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China-built railway linking Ethiopia and Djibouti officially opens for business

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Following a few months of testing on the Ethiopian side, the China-funded and built railway linking Ethiopia’s capital of Addis Ababa with the strategic Red Sea port of Djibouti was officially inaugurated in Djibouti on Tuesday.

The new 750km railway line turns a week-long drive through a winding pot-hole filled road into a smooth 12-hour ride to the coast. The project, backed by $4 billion of Chinese investment, is expected to be a boon for the economies of both African nations. Landlocked Ethiopia, one of the fastest growing markets in the world, gets access to the sea, while the tiny country of Djibouti gets easier access to 94 million Ethiopian customers.

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Last October, Xu Shaoshi, head of China’s top economic planner, the National Development and Reform Commission, gave a speech at the railway’s inauguration ceremony in Addis Ababa acting as Chinese President Xi Jinping’s official envoy. Xu hailed the project as “a railway of Sino-African friendship in the 21st century.”

It replaces an old diesel railroad line started by the French in 1894 that had fallen into disuse and disrepair after years of war and famine. It also marks the second time that China has built a trans-national railway through Africa. The last one was the Tazara Railway connecting Tanzania’s Dar es Salaam with Zambia’s Kapiri Mposhi in the 1970s.

We likely won’t have to wait 40 years for another one. South China Morning Pot reports that this could be just the first stage in an ambitious trans-African track that would link the Red Sea with the Atlantic Ocean.

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In the meantime, the Ethiopia-Djibouti railway serves to signify China’s continued investment on the African continent. Perhaps no where is this investment more evident than in the burgeoning manufacturing powerhouse of Ethiopia. In 2016, $20 billion of Chinese investment poured into the country which is fast trying to change its global image from a country filled with drought and famine to one that is filled instead with factories and railways — recently attracting no less than Ivanka Trump’s shoe manufacturer to move shop from China to Addis Ababa.

Furthermore, according to AFK Insider, Ethiopian Airlines is in the process of adding a direct flight to Chengdu, its fifth non-stop flight to a Chinese city, and Ethiopia is working on launching a civilian satellite into orbit with the help of China.

Meanwhile, the tiny East African country of Djibouti is home to China’s first overseas military outpost, a naval base that Beijing insists is only a logistics hub for China’s naval and trade presence in the Gulf of Aden.

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Matt Bonini contributed to this story

 
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Posted by on February 11, 2017 in African News

 

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Nigeria: Enhancing the Transport System

Photo: Ben Parker/IRINPhoto: Ben Parker/IRIN

By John Iwori -allAfrica.com

Enhancing the transport system in the country will help in addressing the current burden on roads.

There is no doubt that water transport remains a veritable avenue to reduce the present over reliance on road transport across the country. Presently the movement of persons, goods and service is more on the roads that criss-cross the country.

For a country with enormous inland waterways, about 8,600km, roughly 60 per cent is unused, which is an anomaly. The longest inland waterways are the Niger River and its tributary, the Benue River, which are largely unused. The most used, especially by larger powered boats and for commerce, are in the Niger Delta and all along the coast from Lagos Lagoon to Cross River.

Rail, another channel of transportation has also been neglected over time. As of 2003, Nigeria’s rail system had 3,557 kilometers of track, 19 kilometers of which were dual gauge and the remainder, standard gauge.

The country has two major rail lines: one connects Lagos on the Bight of Benin and Nguru in the northern state of Yobe; the other connects Port Harcourt in the Niger Delta and Maiduguri in the northeastern state of Borno. However the rail system is not optimally used, until the present administration which is trying to rejuvenate the rail system. Much as being done in this sub sector should have been extended to the nation’s vast waterways.

Already, the over-dependence on the road transport across Nigeria has impacted negatively on her socio-economic development. It is on record that 40 to 80 percent income of Nigerian workers are spent on transportation, with road being the dominant mode of commuting.

Again, 50 to 60 percent cost of freight is consumed by road transportation. Pathetically, most of the roads are poorly maintained and are often cited as a cause for the country’s high rate of traffic fatalities as trucks compete for space with other road users.

Besides, the roads easily get bad as the weight of vehicular movement weigh heavily on the state of the roads. The huge cost aside, it takes time and skill to get the roads network back to shape.

Review of Policy That this has contributed to the high cost of roads maintenance across Nigeria is to say the least. This partly explained why stakeholders in the transport industry have continued to pick holes in Nigerian transport policy. They often use different forum to draw the attention of the federal government to the ills in the policy just as they demand for a review to meet the demands of the present realities.

A transport expert, Professor Bamidele Badejo, said for Nigerians to see the desires changes in the transport industry something tangible need to be done. He did not only picked holes in the Nigeria’s transport policy, but also enumerated strategies for effective public transport management in the country.

A senior lecturer and former Lagos State Commissioner of Transportation, Badejo linked bad leadership to an absence of a national transport policy, which he said, forms the cardinal challenge facing the country’s transport sector in the last 100 years of her existence.

In an inaugural lecture titled “Transporting the Future Today: Portrait of Nigeria” delivered at Olabisi Onabanjo University, Ago-Iwoye, Ogun State., he said over the years the transport industry in the country had witnessed several missed opportunities, especially its potentially as an engine of growth and development. He added that Nigeria has not innovated nor invented the right approach towards tapping the full benefits of transport sector.

It is clear that carrying out a critical review of the transport industry to give water transport its right position in the scheme of things will help in arresting the present over dependence on road transport. Doing so will entail putting certain measures in place so that the desired change and impact can be felt by the citizenry. It is imperative for the authorities to put right policies in place and implement them strictly.

The relevant government agencies must also enact regulations that will guide operators in water transport. By the provisions of the laws establishing it, the National Inland Waterways Authority (NIWA) has a responsibility to put rules and regulations to sanitise water transport. Besides putting the regulations in place, it must ensure its enforcement. This is the way to ensure there is efficiency in water transport in the country.

In apparent response to this challenge, NIWA has said it has concluded plans to launch an inland waterways code for its use and regulation.

Speaking the just concluded 2014 stakeholders’ conference on the economic use of the Onitsha River Port, NIWA’s Managing Director, Hajiya Inna Maryam Ciroma said that the code is long overdue adding that work has commenced on it. Ciroma said that code will also serve as a guide, law on the use of the waterways for operators.

She explained that the need to regulate the use of the nation’s waterways cannot be overemphasized considering the security challenges that have been facing the nation in recent times.

Stakeholders have made it clear that its workability depends on several layers of approval before the code come on stream. It must be noted that aside the approvals that NIWA is waiting to get, the authority will also have to carry its relevant agencies along in the entire process. The code when finally approved will stem the indiscriminate use of the waters and checkmate the excesses of illegal dredgers.

They averred that the code will not only bring about safety on the waterways, it will regulate the use of all river crafts and vessels operation within the land waterways in Nigeria.

Those who spoke to THISDAY said apart from rules and regulation on the use of the waterways, it will also contain penalties for violation as it ill deal with the issue of overloading, not wearing of live jackets.

Last Words It is also vital that all relevant stakeholders are sensitized before the code is put into operation as every necessary step need to be taken to ensure that everything about the code is put in proper perspective. Against the backdrop that there is a nexus between a visionary leadership and comprehensive national transport policy, there is need for a roadmap to salvage Nigeria from the current dysfunction of the transport sector.

Nigeria cannot make progress without improved transportation system. Also, the sector cannot advance without a well-planned public transportation system for which water transportation is a key component. It is germane the relevant government agencies address the questions begging for questions in the transport industry. This is one of the reasons why many stakeholders in the transport industry have opined that as Nigerians would be deciding political leadership in 2015, transport “must be one of the key issues of the electorate’ must demand.

According to them, the paradigm must change to accord it with the national aspiration demanding a better country. We canvass that transport – and in this context, efficient and effective national transportation agenda – must become one of the issues that the electorate should demand from the country’s political leadership in the next election. Going forward, Nigeria’s transport and mobility quagmire must be effectively settled and in doing this water transport must be given a priority so that Nigerians can more viable options in moving from one place to another with ease.

There should be a comprehensive transport policy to take care of the vast waterways, the rail system and the aviation sector for the country to move forward.

 
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Posted by on March 11, 2014 in African News

 

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Akon Launches “Akon Lighting Africa” To Bring Electricity To One Million African Households

AKON-WITH-PRESIDENT-Blaise-Compaoré

Akon With President Blaise Compaoré of Burkina Faso

Akon is stepping away from music to focus on supplying one million African households with electricity by the end of 2014.  Akon’s initiative “Akon Lighting Africa” aims to address the fact that more than two-thirds of the population of sub-Saharan Africa is without electricity, as well as more than 85% of those living in rural areas lack access.

Akon’s company, Akon Corp., is working with GIVE1 Project and Solektra International, member of ADS Group (Africa Development Solutions Group), in order to create replicable, scalable and cost-effective energy solutions.

So far Akon has met with leaders from Senegal, Mali, Guinea Conakry, Gambia, Burkina Faso, Equatorial Guinea, Gabon, Congo and the Ivory Coast and on February 10, 2014, Akon and his delegation, which included Samba Bathily, Solektra International, Thione Niang, Give 1 Project, Wang Lin, CJI, Khadidiatou Thiam, Akon Corp. and Dr. Julius W. Garvey, Akon Corp. began an ambitious tour of nine (9) African nations to engage in dialogue about the project.

“We are extremely pleased by the overwhelmingly positive response of government leaders to embrace a public-private partnership that aims to address access to power in sub-Saharan Africa. This initiative is given further validity and momentum based on the support of these nations and their executives and advisors,” said Akon.

Akon has partnered with Azuri Technologies to support the installation of solar equipment in households, which will in turn allow children to have access to electricity that will improve their quality of education.

To learn more about the “Akon Lighting Africa” initiative please visit www.akonlightingafrica.com.

 
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Posted by on February 25, 2014 in African News

 

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Angry farmers hit the streets over GMO

By Myjoyonline.com

 Human beings like all other living things grow; therefore must die.

By: Alex Dzumador

Some farmers drawn from across the country are demonstrating in Accra against the passage of the Plant Breeders Bill, which is being debated in Parliament today.

The demonstration, organized by the Coalition for Farmers Rights an advocacy group against Genetically Modified Organisms  (GMO) started at the Obra Spot at the Kwame Nkrumah Circle in Accra.

The demonstrators have been shouting No GMO! No GMO! as they marched through the principal streets of Accra, Joy News’ Anna Agyapong reported.

According to her, majority of the protestors are wearing dreadlocks and brandishing placards with the inscription “GMO is poison.”

“Mahama say no to GMO”, “Say no to GMO.”
Some of the protestors said the country must not yield to the pressure to introduce GMO into the country.

“We are doomed if this bill is passed,” one of the demonstrators said adding, “we will be under colonialism if this bill is passed.”

Another angry protestor said there will be dire repercussions if this bill is passed into law.

“We are going to have farmers in Ghana, who cannot reproduce their seeds unless they go to buy it from abroad.

“The advent of lifestyle diseases, low sperm count, female infertility are on the increase,” he alleged.

Meanwhile, Joy News’ Parliamentary correspondent, Elton John Brobbey said the Plant Breeders Bill is currently at the consideration stage.

The Speaker of Parliament, Edward Doe Adjaho has however, issued a directive for Parliament’s Committee to consult more on the merits and demerits of the GMO before the process is taken any further.

 
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Posted by on January 28, 2014 in African News

 

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Kenya to generate over half of its electricity through solar power by 2016

Government invests $1.2bn jointly with private companies to build solar power plants across the country
Masinga hydroelectric power plant at the Masinga dam in Kenya

Masinga hydroelectric power plant. Kenya gets most of its power from hydroelectricity, but there are hopes solar will contribute more. Photograph: Tony Karumba/AFP/Getty Images

Kenya has identified nine sites to build solar power plants that could provide more than half the country’s electricity by 2016.

Construction of the plants, expected to cost $1.2bn (£73m), is set to begin this year and initial design stages are almost complete. The partnership between government and private companies will see the state contributing about 50% of the cost.

Cliff Owiti, a senior administrator at the Kenya Renewable EnergyAssociation, said the move will protect the environment and bring down electricity costs. “We hope that when the entire project is completed by 2016, more than 50% of Kenya’s energy production will consist of solar. Already we are witnessing solar investments in Kenya such as a factory that was opened here in 2011 that manufactures solar energy panels.”

He said that over $500m had already been invested in solar projects in Kenya. “The costs related with hydro electricity are very high, considering they are influenced by the low water levels in major supply dams. With high investments in solar, we will witness almost no blackouts and power charges will reduce because electricity will be in high supply.”

Germano Mwabu, an economics professor at the University of Nairobi, said the solar plan could have a dramatic impact on energy prices. “When the project is complete and solar is in good use, electricity costs could go down by as much as 80%.”

The country is also planning the construction of what will be sub-Saharan Africa’s largest windfarm, near Lake Turkana, which is set to be operational by 2015.

Kenya ranks 22nd in Africa for the amount of electricity it generates, and 46th in the world in the generation of solar energy. But it could rank third for solar in the next four years, according to figures from the Energy Regulatory Commission, a government agency.

 
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Posted by on January 17, 2014 in African News

 

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Genetically Modified Seeds And Ghana; The Debate

By Ghanaian Chronicle

 FRIENDSHIP CAN BE THE ART OF DISTANT BUT LOVE IS THE ART OF NEAREST

By: akoaso,HH Germany

Ghana is at the cross roads, debating the introduction of genetically modified crops (commonly referred to as GM crops) into the country. Public debates are generally good if conducted in an atmosphere of civility and with the intention of arriving at evidence-based decisions.

The ongoing debate on genetically modified crops is not unusual and the literature on the diffusion of innovations is replete with examples of individuals, groups and or organizations rising up against the introduction of new ideas or technologies.

Historical antecedents to debates on new ideas dates back to ancient times and they were all resolved by evidence-based science. Let us recall debates about the flat earth vrs the spherical earth and the sun revolving around the earth vrs the earth revolving around the sun debates. Some people lost their lives but eventually, the new theories proved to be right that the earth is round and that it revolves around the sun. These are evidence based conclusions.

Ghanaians should, therefore, conduct the current debate not on emotions or ideological inclinations but with available empirical and science-based-evidence.

From what I have heard on the radio and read in the newspapers, it appears that there is lack of information about GM crops and the proponents have failed to put up   convincing arguments for the introduction of the GM crops into Ghana.

The scale seems to be tilting in favour of those who oppose the introduction, in spite of the fact that, the premise for their opposition, although sound it may seem, is not based on available facts and evidence. They   have sought to use the media and the streets to shape public opinion and   I would like to contribute to the debate by briefly summarizing the facts about GM crops as we know them today.

Farming became the main occupation of mankind after transitioning from hunting to a sedentary lifestyle.  Since then, farmers in livestock or crops have sought to improve upon their practices and adapt to the environment.

This has been done through purposive selection of crops or animals with the best and preferred characteristics for further replanting. Thus, farmers have since time immemorial   kept seeds with a preferred character for replanting or reproduction.

This technique of maintaining and improving particular preferred characteristics of a crop or animal became known in modern times as breeding after Mendel proved scientifically that  characters are carried from parental genes to their offspring.  Breeding, simplified is the manipulation of genetic material for desired results/traits/character. And the trait which is the character of interest to the breeder/farmer could be colour, height, yield etc.

Scientists have improved upon this technique and tried crossing closely related genetic material, or   cloning, and by radiation all with the intention of speeding up the breeding techniques used by farmers.

The techniques used by scientists, although shortening the generation of new materials, still took a relatively long time, several years in some cases. They were also limited to using closely related genetic material (relatives).  Genetic engineering is the latest technique in the science of breeding and by far the most sophisticated which allows the introduction of genes from related and unrelated species to another, which the other techniques were unable to do.

It is also a much faster process than all the other techniques as scientists are now able to isolate the gene responsible for a particular character and   introduce it directly into the genetic material of another crop. It also has an advantage of dealing with several traits at a time and from a wide range of resources.

Genetically engineered crops commonly called genetically modified (GM)   are therefore a product of a breeding technique, nothing more than that. It is a process where the genetic material of an organism is manipulated by adding a specific useful and preferred gene. It is just another form of gene manipulation breeding.

Why then the debate and controversy?
To begin with, the introduction of GM crops like the introduction of the hybrids in India in the 60s has also received its fair share of resistance to innovations for three main reasons: The first was the fear of bacteria. The first genetically modified crop (tobacco) was encoded with an insecticidal protein from the bacteria called Bacillus thuringiensis . Since then, other procedures have evolved that use a naturally soil occurring bacteria called Agrobacterium tumefaciens as a vector in the transfer of genes.

Knowledge in the use of bacteria in the process spread and got stuck and the fear associated with the organism took hold of the campaign against the use of GM crops. It no longer mattered whether the bacteria were useful or harmful.  The second source of concern that has taken more of an ideological path is the source of the GM products.

The products have been developed with funding from large multinational corporations and any push for its introduction is seen as a reflection of corporate interests and that these organizations are more interested in their profits rather than the welfare of the poor, especially, in developing countries. The third group of concerns relate to environmental contamination of the newly created plant or animal products.

I also suspect that, popularization and association of the terms such as engineering and genetic to the breeding technique may also have something to do with the resistance. Sometimes, names do matter! Genetic engineering has been, in all respects,   an extension of what human beings have been doing for tens of thousands of years breeding new plants or animals.

What are the facts?
In today’s world and with the advancement in techniques, genetic material used in   crops originate from plants although some bacteria could be used as vectors, in a number of cases the genes are transferred directly without a vector. The GM crops currently on the market are aimed at protecting the crop against the incidence of pests, diseases and   higher yields.

According to the World Health Organization (WHO) food from these crops have by far higher standards of evaluation before they are released than crops bred through conventional breeding techniques.

For example, all GM crops are screened against allergenicity, whereas crops bred through conventional techniques may not. The regulations and conventions covering the release of GM materials are much stricter to ensure safety for human consumption.

Thirty years along the line, since the release of the first GM materials and without any reported adverse side effects on humans, and considering the strict protocol for their release, it is safe to assume that the products are safe. Indeed GM crops are being used to feed animals, cattle and chicken in Brazil, Europe and the US and for all you know, some of these animal products have already found their way to Ghana.

On the cost side, it is important to weigh the benefits as well. It is not a one size fits all as the products vary. Some GM materials on the market are for shelf life enhancement thus reducing post-harvest losses, insect resistance, weed or herbicide resistance, higher yields, and improvement in the nutritive value etc.

Available evidence shows that the purchase and use of GM seeds lead to   overall lower production costs and higher benefits. For example,   a farmer using a weed resistant GM seed will spend less on weeding. Savings can therefore be made on weeding. Moreover, the yield is likely to be higher due to lower weed infestation.

The net benefit is a higher yield and income which   more than offset the initial investment made in the purchase of the seed. So the fact that a farmer purchases seed does not automatically lead to loss in income.

Ghanaian farmers are already used to purchasing seeds, from seed yams from the local market (visit Kintampo market during yam planting period) to the purchase of improved maize, cowpea seeds and cassava planting materials from agrochemical companies. The introduction of GM crops will not be the first time that Ghanaian farmers will be purchasing seeds.

Farmers have thus become used to buying seeds and the introduction and sale of GM seeds will not make any difference. It is true that some farmers still keep and replant seeds but that should not be generalized to cover the entire farming population. Indeed denying others who would like to make investments in their farming practices and improve their living conditions the chance to purchase GM seeds because others will not, is a discriminatory practice, and their rights should also be protected.  Farmers should be given the choice to decide on their own free will whether to make investments in purchasing seeds or not.

The arguments on the use of farmers own seed is also no longer tenable as GM seeds can be replanted.   The producers of GM materials conceived an idea to introduce what they called terminator gene into GM crops to protect their intellectual property rights. The terminator gene would have prevented replanting but was never used.  Therefore, it is possible to replant the seeds; although it is advisable to purchase new seeds each planting season as replanted seeds may lose their vigor.

The concern about multinational/national corporations and their profit intentions is also perplexing. These corporations have operated in the developed and developing countries for years since the introduction of agro-chemicals and improved seeds into farming. They produce all the agro-chemicals that are sold in the developed and developing world and have been making profits all along. They invest and patent the intellectual property on their agro-chemicals just as they patent the seeds they produce and will produce.

Why don’t we complain about those agro-chemicals being produced by them but the seeds?  I can only surmise that the answer lies somewhere else other than their involvement in GM seeds.  Sometimes, the concerns for the cost of the products to the poor, which is genuine, tend to be dwarfed by ideological aversion for multinational corporations in general, which begs the question what is the alternative?

Shouldn’t we debate on how to make the products accessible at an affordable cost rather than where it came from?  Today, the cost of agro-chemicals and hybrid seeds produced by these multi-nationals has become far cheaper, and one of the reasons is mass utilization, which effectively reduces overhead costs and thereby making the product affordable to users. So resisting the adoption of GM crops by large number of farmers effectively lead to higher cost for those who have the resources to purchase, it is not the reverse.

On the environment, there are fears that the introduction of GM crops may damage the natural habitats and wildlife and also transfer genes from cultivated species to their wild relatives and inadvertent suppression of immune systems in animals etc.

These fears, although they have some merit, it should be noted that all new crops have environmental effects and these hazards are not limited to GM crops. Crops bred through conventional means could also pose environmental risks. Agriculture of any kind impacts the environment.

There were indeed instances of environmental breaches in the US during the initial introduction of GM crops and these led to tighter regulations. What is required are the safety regulations which guide their release and use rather than a ban.

It is, therefore, important that the environmental effects of genetically modified plants just like the health and nutritional aspects be evaluated and continues to be monitored using science-based evidence to prevent un-anticipated effects on the environment and humans.

Whilst the debate is going on, Ghana is behind Burkina Faso and more than 28 other countries who have adopted the GM technology. To date more than 17 million farmers on close to 160 million hectares of land are using GM crops, globally. Countries such as Brazil and India, for example, initially positioned themselves as producers of non-GM crops.

They have since then seen the light and made a u-turn and are now major players in GM products and benefiting from their decision to adopt. It is a truism in diffusion science that early adopters reap most of the benefits of the innovation.

Ghana is one of those countries yet to move in this direction. The key reason for the adoption of GM materials by these countries is the welfare of the poor and benefits the practice brings to them and the country and not the reverse.

Any observer of the Ghanaian farming scene knows the difference between those who use improved seeds and those who replant their seeds. Mostly the poor replant and it is advisable to move them out of this practice. The poor, therefore, stand to lose. In Burkina Faso today, GM seeds (cotton) are being planted by the poor and their lives are being improved.

In conclusion, I would like to remind readers of a similar scenario enacted in the late 1950s when India and Pakistan at the verge of famine sought to introduce hybrid wheat and rice into their farming systems. The same arguments about health, cost (multinationals) and the environment were raised.

The governments of the two countries mustered the political will and imported tons of improved hybrids and crop yields shot up from 1 ton per hectare to an average of 5 tons per hectare through what has become known as the green revolution . India was not only able to produce enough for the country but became a net exporter with benefits to the poor and the country. Sub Saharan Africa stood by and watched these countries reap the benefits.

Today, yield levels for most crops in Africa are where India was 50 years ago. It seems that public attention has been focused on the risk side more out of ignorance, emotions and ideologies rather than sound judgment of the benefits of the technique and innovations.

Concerns over health and environmental threats are valid and has led to very strict regulations and protocols being put in place by countries and international bodies such as the FAO and WHO, and we should be thankful to those who pointed them out.

What is required is the strict compliance, monitoring and enforcement of the guidelines and protocols for GM seeds and foods and not a ban. Ghana should not be left behind this time around and can no longer afford to ignore science and innovation in farming.

 
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Posted by on January 6, 2014 in African News

 

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Modern Day Slavery: Lake Volta, Ghana

By Lindsay Boyle

A Child Working On Lake Volta. Photo Taken By Eric Peasah

A Child Working On Lake Volta. Photo Taken By Eric Peasah

In Ghana, European-built slave forts and castles scatter along the coast — most notably those at Elmina and Cape Coast — and serve as reminders of the central role the country played in the trans-Atlantic slave trade more than 200 years ago.
Slavery has a different name today — human trafficking — but it still flourishes in Ghana: the 2013 Trafficking in Humans Report identified it as a source, transit and destination country for the practice. And, last year, the Ministry of Gender, Children and Social Protection said69.8 percent of Ghana’s human trafficking is internal.

Along the shores of Lake Volta, the world’s largest man-made lake by surface area, children are the victims.

A trip to the Volta Region in eastern Ghana reveals children as young as 4 and rarely older than 13 starting their 15-hour workdays as early as 4 a.m. and ending well after dark, seven days a week. While girls de-scale fish and perform other domestic chores, boys mend, cast and hoist nets.

At the command of their masters — many of whom used to be slaves themselves — they dive underwater to unhook nets even when they can’t swim, knowing the alternative is taking a beating. Several of the children say they know others who’ve drowned. Others contract illnesses such as bilharzia, which can lead to bloody diarrhea and abdominal pain, from the parasite-infested lake.

Although work has primed their young muscles, distended stomachs show their malnutrition.

But, most of their parents don’t know the realities of life on Lake Volta. Believing their children will attend school and work in the evenings, parents sell their children for as little as $20 a year. Some parents can’t afford to feed their children, while others believe their kids are staying with relatives, unaware that the relatives sold the children to fishermen.

Stacy Omorefe, cofounder of counter-trafficking NGO City of Refuge Ministries (CORM), said some NGOs have estimated that 7,000 – 10,000 children work along the lake — a number she thinks is low.

“No one can really give you an exact figure,” said Eric Peasah, founder of Right To Be Free and former field manager of the International Organization for Migration (IOM) counter-trafficking project. “But, I can say that, when you go on the lake and cruise for one hour, you can meet not less than 20 different canoes, and each one of them might have at least one child or two children in it.”

That wasn’t always the case. Four or five decades ago, Peasah explained, fishermen brought children or nephews who’d already finished middle school to learn the trade and carry on the family practice. But, he said, many of the teenagers eventually rebelled, not wanting to become fishermen.

“Some of the group along the line started taking younger boys from their villages to go and help them,” he said. “They had these young, young kids who are very submissive and obedient. They do what they’re asked to do.”

Prosecution

Ghana’s 2005 Human Trafficking Act criminalizes the practice on the lake, and treaties such as the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child — ratified by Ghana in 1990, before any other country — discourage child labor and human trafficking. But, resolving the issue is more complicated than merely arresting and jailing those who are violating the law.

“We want to prosecute,” Peasah said. “But, the question is, how do you prosecute without much evidence? You need to prove beyond reasonable doubt that this child was given out, was sold…and the people you need to (get) the evidence from are people within the family.”

Children, not knowing any better, sometimes say the fishermen are their fathers or relatives, which compounds the problem.

“Some of the kids we found, they don’t even know where they’re from, their last name,” explained Johnbull Omorefe, cofounder of CORM.

According to Peasah, only those who partake in extreme and obvious trafficking are successfully convicted.

Besides, according to Victoria Natsu, Head of the Human Trafficking Secretariat in the Ministry of Gender, Children and Social Protection,“it’s not in the best interest of Ghana, the children and the family themselves to have parents being prosecuted.”

Rescue

Although an Anti Human Trafficking Unit was established within the Ghana Police Service in 2006, large-scale rescues pose another problem.

“We have a lot of shelters around, but we don’t have shelters,” Peasah began. “For example, if police go and do police raid — we’ve done that before — and we have hundreds of children, where do you take them? Nowhere.”

Most NGO shelters are at capacity, including CORM’s Children’s Village, where almost 40 children — most rescued from Lake Volta — stay in two dormitories.

At the village, the children attend the on-site Faith Roots International Academy, receiving tutoring if necessary. In their free time, they take part in bible studies and a number of recreational activities, including football, art and other camps in the summer. Lessons on life skills such as budgeting prepare them to live successfully on their own.

“We really try to take a holistic approach to our restoration process,” Stacy said.

While the children are free to come and go as they’d like — get married, attend university or do whatever else — none have left permanently, yet. Stacy said it’s possible that some never will.

“This is their home,” Johnbull said.
In Peasah’s opinion, though, permanent shelters aren’t the answer.

“I personally don’t believe in long-term institutionalizing of children, victims,” Peasah said. “Those who run the orphanage, or whatever they are running, until children move, you can’t bring more.”

And, when just one child is rescued from the lake, his or her siblings are still in danger of being trafficked. Peasah suggested organizations should support the parents and reintegrate children into their homes, instead.

During his work with IOM — which has helped rescue and reintegrate more than 730 children since its inception in 2002 — only five or six families didn’t want their child back initially. Even those situations were resolved when both parties agreed upon an appropriate caretaker.

“If you have money to take care of this child, support him in his environment and then build him up,” he said.

His current organization, Right To Be Free (RTBF), uses the “5 R System,” which was developed during his time at IOM. After researching the situation, workers rescue the children fishermen have agreed to release, often in exchange for a micro-grant, new supplies or the opportunity to learn a new trade.

At the Rehabilitation Center in Accra, the children receive medical, psychological and educational services for three months. Afterward, measures are taken to reunite and safely reintegrate the children with their families, where RTBF monitors and supports them for more than two years.

“When you rehabilitate (the children) and you give the mother some help, the facilities open,” he said.

Peasah suggested if all counter-trafficking NGOs worked together to improve and use an existing government shelter as a temporary rehabilitation facility, money could be freed up to help more victims directly. But, he added, many NGOs don’t want to give up their shelters.

Education

CORM does more than just shelter children, though.

Since they were met with anger during their very first rescue attempt, Johnbull and Stacy have been holding meetings and workshops within Lake Volta communities, educating fishermen and other residents about the law and the practices of trafficking and child labor — a process they call “intervention.” They also educate “sending communities” — places where parents are likely to sell their children — about what really happens to children sent to work at the lake.

For Johnbull, a pastor, it’s about building relationships and trust and showing love, rather than being superior and condescending. CORM never pays for the release of a child. Already, he said, he’s seen change.

“Some of the slave masters are now supporting us, helping us. (They) convince people on the ground to let the kids go,” he said. “That is something really good, something we’re really happy about.”

According to Natsu, the government is also working to create awareness so parents and fishermen will know trafficking is not proper. Because, she said, even though the age of the children has changed since the practice began, some parents still consider the children’s work on the lake part of a natural ‘socialization process.’

“Today we are talking of modern day slavery,” she said. “What we are saying is even if you want your children to be part of the process, let them have their education, their good health. Let them do all that children are supposed to do.

“Let them grow to the level where they could fit into the job, then start to train them.”

As part of a five-year national anti-trafficking action plan — drafted this year by the Human Trafficking Management Board — government officials visit relevant regions, explaining trafficking and the fundamental rights of children to residents in terms of Ghanaian law.

Anti-trafficking TV and radio programs broadcasted throughout the country reach an even larger audience.

Prevention

But, the problem is not only fueled by lack of awareness — it’s also fueled by poverty.

“If you look at everything, it revolves around single moms,” Johnbull said. “So, let’s go back to the root: what can we do to prevent it?”

For CORM, the answer lies in operations called 7 Continents and Save A Child Water.

The former, located in the Tema New Town district of Greater Accra, employs about 10 single mothers who learn to make bags, jewelry and other similar items that are then sold in places such as the United States and France. The women are paid on a monthly basis, which is common in Ghana.

Save A Child Water filters, packages and sells clean drinking water in Ghana, and only employs single mothers. A message inscribed on each water sachet, including the words, “children are not for sale,” helps spread the word about the issue. Fifty percent of profits go toward rescuing and supporting children and reconnecting them with their families.

In Peasah’s opinion, helping fishermen find alternative fishing methods is important as well. Some organizations, he said, provide micro-grants to fishermen and parents alike so they can improve or start up their own businesses.

As of last year, for example, IOM had given micro-business assistance to almost 1,000 parents, guardians and fishermen.

The government, too, recognizes that preventing trafficking means alleviating poverty.

“It’s vulnerability that creates most of these problems for us,” Natsu said. “The first point of protection should be the family and the community.”

Programs such as Livelihood Empowerment Against Poverty (LEAP),for example, provide cash and health insurance to qualifying extremely poor households across Ghana, as long as their children are not in labor or trafficking and are enrolled and kept in school.

Free Compulsory Universal Basic Education (FCUBE) and the Ghana School Feeding Program (GSFP) also encourage parents to send their children to school.

But, although Natsu said the government provides free school uniforms and supplies in the poorest communities, a January GhanaWeb feature suggested some communities neither receive those things nor have adequate facilities or teachers. Plus, there iswidespread agreement that FCUBE — established in 1996 with a promise of free primary and junior high school for all by 2005 — has still not been fully implemented.

Regardless, Natsu said the programs have resulted in increased enrollment.

Soon, she added, a child protection policy that UNICEF and the Department of Children are developing specifically for Ghana will focus on both families and communities.

“If the community and family are involved,” she said, “it is our prayer that we should be able to protect children more than we are doing today.”

Countless counter-trafficking organizations work in Ghana, includingPartners in Community Development Programme (PACODEP), Touch A Life, Free the Slaves, Challenging Heights and many others. Some are new, some are old and all have varying approaches.

But, Peasah said, vast areas of the lake are still mostly untouched by NGOs or otherwise.

“Most of us who have been on the ground for a long time working on trafficking issues, internally and externally, we work as a team,” he said. “I believe that we cannot do it all. We need each other.”

City of Refuge Ministries Children’s Village: A Brief History
Stacy and Johnbull Omorefe met in Ghana in 2001, married in 2002 and launched a non-profit organization called City of Refuge Ministries in the United States in 2006. It wasn’t until they read aNew York Times article detailing rampant child trafficking on Lake Volta, though, that they knew what they wanted their organization to tackle.

They flew back to Ghana in 2007, enduring a sometimes road-less, 17-hour drive before arriving at the lake.

“That trip was the one that changed everything,” Johnbull said. “(The children) were young when they came, but now they are 16, 18 years old and they can’t read, write. All they know is fishing.”

Johnbull himself grew up on the streets of Nigeria without parents or guidance.

“I wept,” he said. “I’ve never felt that way before in all of my life. It reminded me of my childhood, how I grew up.”

City of Refuge Ministries’ work in Ghana started in an apartment in Tema with less than 10 children. Now, an entire children’s village sits in a clearing behind a military camp in Doryumu, Greater Accra, a dirt path through farmland the sole way back to the main road.

Ground was broken early in 2011, but already the village boasts the Omorefe’s home, a volunteer house, a guest house, two dormitories plus one that’s in progress, a school, a basketball court, a playground area and more. The whole place is a story of collaboration.

“Everything you see here…we didn’t have the money,” Johnbull said. “Everything has come as a surprise from God.”

When they learned a private Christian school in Tema was passing students on to the next grade even when they couldn’t write their own names, the Omorefes decided to build their own school. The chief of Shai Hills, when he heard about their plan, offered the land in Doryumu in exchange for free education for one needy child from each of the eight local clans.

Y – Generation Against Poverty Australia agreed to fund the Faith Roots International Academy. U.S. citizen Autumn Buzzell, first the principal and now the director of education, helps run the school and develop curriculum. A paid staff of Ghanaians teaches the classes.

The 43 children staying at the village — six of which are Stacy and Johnbull’s — plus almost 180 children from around the area attend the school, which tries to cap classes out at 20 students. Sponsorships from people and organizations around the world support the children staying at the village, as well as about 40 of the community children.

Although there were just seven classrooms when the school opened in 2011, there’s now a classroom for each grade level from preschool through junior high school 2 (8th grade), as well as a computer lab and an office in the works.

“The expansion has been really great,” Stacy said, “but we’re already outgrowing this building.”

She said they hope to eventually have two classrooms for each grade and to build a separate junior and senior high school facility. Other plans include building a clinic, looking into sustenance farming and completing a third dormitory that will hold almost 40 boys — the girls will stay in the two existing dorms.

“The vision is there, the dream is there,” Johnbull said. “We take life just a day at a time.”

According to Stacy, there’s also a plan to establish other City of Refuge sites in places such as northern Ghana or Nigeria that will reach out to the needs of the area.

“We see City of Refuge, this place, being a model for additional campuses like this,” she said. “I can’t imagine doing anything else.”

A Child Working On Lake Volta: Photo Taken By Eric Peasah
 
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Posted by on December 18, 2013 in African News

 

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Nelson Mandela dead at 95: How the late icon brought black America and Africa together

Opinion

Nelson Mandela, the revered leader, statesman and human rights icon, has left an indelible mark on his native country of South Africa.

The Nobel Peace Prize winner inspired people throughout the world through with his decades-long struggle against apartheid, and he spent 27 years in prison for his commitment to fighting injustice.

Although the 95-year-old giant is no longer with us physically, leaving us after a period of deteriorating health, African-Americans will always remember the spirit and legacy he gave us. In many ways, Mandela helped bridge the gap between Africa and African-Americans.

theGrio slideshow: ‘Father of a Nation’ Nelson Mandela through the years

Although native-born Africans and African-Americans share a common origin which is reflected in the resemblances they share, there have been rifts between the two groups. It speaks to the legacy of slavery, and the bonds that were ruptured due to the hundreds of years and thousands of miles of separation. Black Americans harbor prejudices against their African-born brothers and sisters, and vice versa. Chalk it up to ignorance about each other’s culture, miscommunication and media stereotypes.

Some in the African-American community have been loath to identify with Africa. They may associate Africa with poverty and inferiority, primitive culture and a lack of civilization, or Eddie Murphy’s comedyComing To America.

Meanwhile, some Africans may think that African-Americans are prone to criminality, care little about educating themselves, and gravitate towards sports. To further confuse things, different segments of the African diaspora have had different experiences with racism, slavery and European colonialism. These conflicts can arise when African immigrants and African-Americans come into contact with one another.

For black folks in the U.S., Nelson Mandela struck a chord. The African-American community reveres its heroes, those who fought against Jim Crow segregation, unjust laws and racial inequality. Many of these leaders, just like Mandela, were unjustly imprisoned. And some, not unlike the South African student leader Steve Biko, were martyred. Martin Luther King, Malcolm X, Medgar Evers and Fred Hampton are some of the more prominent names of fallen black American leaders that come to mind.

Going back even further in time, there were figures such as Denmark Vesey, Nathaniel Turner and Gabriel Prosser, who were killed while resisting slavery.

Although there were countless opportunities for the South African government to take his life, Nelson Mandela was a survivor. He was a living hero, and the most identifiable African hero for black Americans. He made being African cool again. Part of the reason was the ways in which the man and his movement made its way into the popular consciousness of the African-American community.

Mandela’s struggle was against apartheid segregation, a system which mandated the separation of the races by law, gave the power to the white minority, and rendered the black African majority foreigners in their own country.

His struggle made sense for America’s black community. After all, they had endured Jim Crow segregation, with “whites only” water fountains and inferior schools for black children. The Southern Dixiecrats who maintained Jim Crow resembled South Africa’s ruling Afrikaner National Party in political tone and tenor.

Moreover, African-Americans were a part of the movement to dismantle American apartheid, with bus boycotts, lunch counter sit-ins, and the inevitable assaults from the Ku Klux Klan, police dogs, billy clubs and water hoses. And Mandela, like Dr. King, sought peace and reconciliation with the white citizens of his nation.

As a college student in the 1980s, I remember attending anti-apartheid protests and divestment rallies. My friends and I educated ourselves on the evils of the apartheid system, and we understood the need for companies and universities to divest from the South African regime. We attended lectures on campus by Archbishop Desmond Tutu and others. It is hard to believe that when I was a teenager and a young adult, Nelson Mandela was still a prisoner. And he and his African National Congress (ANC) were designated by the South African government — and the U.S. — as terrorists.

Sadly, Mandela was not taken off the U.S. terrorism watch list until 2008 — 18 years after he was released from prison, and 14 years after he was elected president of South Africa.

Meanwhile, while Mandela was behind bars, songs such as “Free Nelson Mandela,” “Sun City” by Artists United Against Apartheid, and Stetsasonic’s “Free South Africa” helped to politically awaken a younger hip-hop generation born after the civil rights movement.

After Mandela was released in 1990, he embarked on an eight-city American tour, with crowds filling up stadiums to see a man who had made history. I had the pleasure of seeing him speak at Tiger Stadium in Detroit in June of that year. And he received a hero’s welcome by the thousands in attendance.

For the African-Americans and others in the crowd, it was an emotional experience. Nelson Mandela was returning home in a sense, home to an African-American community that embraced him as one of their own

 

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Mormon Church Grows In Africa Because Converts Don’t Know Racist History

 

The Mormon Church spreads in Africa
blackstarnews.com

Lee B. Baker

For several years now, every Tuesday evening I have had the great privilege of addressing the Christian and Mormon listeners of Worship FM 101.7 in Monrovia, the capital City of Liberia, West Africa.

I have come to know several of the station managers and a number of the more frequent callers to the weekly program.  Through their comments, questions and photographs, I have been genuinely moved to see the application of their faith in the Lord Jesus Christ.

Over the past few months the question of racist teachings in the Book of Mormon and from the past Leadership of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints has been on the minds of the Liberian converts to Mormonism and the many Christians who struggle to understand how such a Church can be growing in Africa.

I believe the answer is relatively simple; it has been the perfect merging of a sincere lack of knowledge on the part of the Mormon converts and a disturbing lack of accountability on the part of the Mormon leaders.  A near total lack of knowledge across Africa specific to some of the more explicit teachings found within the Mormon Scriptures, principally that Black Skin is a representation of wickedness and even less information concerning the racism and bigotry openly and officially taught by the early Leadership of the Mormon Church.

This combined with the current Church Leadership’s inability to clearly and specifically reject its own racist teachings both in print and from its past Senior Leadership, has left the Black Race with only a short irresponsible and offensively juvenile Official Statement that claims the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints knows very little about its own race-based policy that had lasted for well over 100 years:

“It is not known precisely why, how or when this restriction began in the Church, but it has ended.”  

Maintaining a detailed and comprehensive history of every aspect and teaching of the Church has been both one of the hallmarks and one of the downfalls of Mormon Church.  Within the relatively young Church, authoritative documentation, however corrupt it may have been, has never been in short supply.  Each of the Senior Leaders of the Mormon Church has had several official biographers as well as an army of Church authorized historians to record for the faithful Mormon all facets of the History of the Church.  In fact, one of my first of many “Callings” in the Mormon Church was that of a Ward (Congregational) Historian, long before I became a Bishop.

The peculiar assertion that the Mormon Church itself does not know the details of its very own race-based policy of restricting the Blacks from holding the Priesthood is tremendously embarrassing for all Mormons and exceptionally degrading for anyone who actually believes it.

As a former local leader of the Mormon Church, I have repeatedly assured the African members of the Mormon Church that the documents and “Scriptures” I have read to them over the air are both Authorized and Official for the time period they are relevant to.  I clearly state the current position of total acceptance of all Races by the Church, but I must highlight the fact that the Book of Mormon still carries it’s obviously racist message that dark skin was a curse and Jesus was white.

I have said many times on-air that like the Mormon Missionaries, I too believe that every African should have a copy of the Book of Mormon, if only to learn the truly racist teaching of the Mormons.

I have and will continue to teach the African Nations from the authentic Mormon Scriptures and the Church History documents, which I had purchased from the Mormon Church to know my past responsibilities as a Mormon Bishop. The official records of the Mormon Church include many jokes and sermons given within the Official Semi-Annual General Conference of the faithful Mormons, using the “N-word”, Darky and Sambo.  Additionally, these Church published books record nearly 100 graphic sermons and lessons that clearly teach the principle, practice and policy that Black Skin was, is and will remain forever the Curse of Cain.

Only in the recent past has the “Complete History” of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints come to the attention of its own membership, much less to the under developed regions of the world.  As this information is discovered, an ever increasing number of members of the Mormon Church have come into a personal crisis of faith, most notably Elder Hans Mattsson[3] of Sweden, a General Authority of the Mormon Church who has gone public with his doubts and questions.

Not unique to Africa, has been the Mormon Church’s training of young Missionaries to strictly avoid any discussion of several of the more embarrassing, yet true, teachings of the 183 year old Church. Chief among these subjects has been Polygamy and Blacks and the Priesthood.

With the smooth talent of a skilled politician, the Mormon Church has ended its Official Statement with the following hypocritical and deceitful, but technically accurate quote:

“The origins of priesthood availability are not entirely clear.  Some explanations with respect to this matter were made in the absence of direct revelation and references to these explanations are sometimes cited in publications.  These previous personal statements do not represent Church doctrine.”

As a former Mormon Bishop and member of the Mormon Church for over 32 years, let me be of some help with the translation of this very carefully crafted message. The two key noteworthy phrases are: “in the absence of direct revelation” and “These previous personal statements do not represent Church doctrine.”

I will address the most obvious first, clearly the “previous statements” from the Church and its Leadership “do not” represent the Church doctrine today.  The policy was reversed in 1978 and there is no question as to the policy today. The hypocritical deception is that between 1845 and 1978 those “statements” did, very much “DID” not “DO” represent past Church doctrine.  Yet, I do give full credit to the clever Mormon authors and editors for their most skillful use of the English language.

And finally, the most revealing and enlightening statement from the Mormon Church is: “in the absence of direct revelation”.  So then, it is incredibly true and accurate that without any mockery or sarcasm; The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints had for nearly 100 years, restricted a significant portion of the human race, millions and millions from God’s intended blessings of Eternal Marriage, Salvation and even Godhood, without knowing why they did it, all without “direct revelation”?

This Official Statement of religious shame and embarrassment comes from the Headquarters of a Church that claims to be guided in all things by “direct revelation”.  How then, did such an exclusive doctrine based on prejudice, bigotry and racism become so accepted, so authoritative, so convincing and so commanding for so long, without “direct revelation”?

As a former Bishop of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, I give testimony that what they have stated is true, in that, they are racist and do not hide the History of the Church from its members or the public, this, their Official Statement on Race and the Church demonstrates that fact.

I believe that the truly wicked teachings as well as the repulsive history of the Mormon Church concerning Polygamy, Polyandry, Blood Atonement, and Blacks and the Priesthood is available for those who have eyes to see and ears to hear.

It is my prayer that all Mormons and non-Mormons will come to know the true history of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints.  That every man, woman and young adult on the earth today will find the time to read the Book of Mormon, the Doctrine and Covenants and the Pearl of Great Price from cover to cover to see the deception they hold, and then read the Word of God with the eyes of a child, and follow the true Jesus, the true Christ found only in the Bible.

 

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Trading Privilege for Privation, Family Hits a Nerve in South Africa

 

  • Candace Feit for The New York Times
  • Candace Feit for The New York Times
  • Candace Feit for The New York Times
  • Candace Feit for The New York Times
  • Candace Feit for The New York Times
  • Candace Feit for The New York Times
The Hewitt family in front of their shack in the Mamelodi township, where they lived for the month of August.
By 

MAMELODI, South Africa — Regina Matshega was gossiping with a neighbor over a fence between their shacks in the Phomolong squatter camp last month when a very unexpected sight suddenly popped into view: two ruddy-cheeked white South Africans, a man and a woman, with two towheaded toddlers running at their heels.

“I couldn’t believe my eyes,” Ms. Matshega said. “What are white people doing here? They live in the rich places. They never come this side.”

The white couple wandered over, past the gutter overflowing with raw sewage, to say hello. They introduced themselves as Julian and Ena Hewitt, a middle-class family that lives in a gated estate in Pretoria, just six miles away. They had moved into a 100-square-foot shack with no electricity or running water next to their part-time housekeeper, Leah Nkambule, to experience what life was like in an informal settlement.

“They said they wanted to see how we are living,” Ms. Matshega said. “Can you imagine?”

The Hewitts moved into the shack for the month of August as an experiment in radical empathy. Could a white middle-class South African family make it on $10 a day in the kind of living conditions that millions of black South Africans endure every day? “It is one thing to know from an academic perspective what divides us,” said Mr. Hewitt, who alsoblogged about the experience. “But what is it like to actually live it?”

The New York Times

 

In most countries, a family slumming it for a month would hardly be news, but in South Africa, where deep racial divides strike at the core of the nation’s identity, the Hewitts’ experiment made headlines and spurred heated debate.

They left behind in their comfortable suburban home everything but the barest necessities that people in squatter camps could afford. A few changes of clothes, a couple of pots, some blankets and thin mattresses were allowed. With no running water, tepid bucket baths replaced hot showers. Instead of flushing toilets, they shared a pit latrine with their neighbors. They also left behind their cars, taking local minibus taxis instead. Their children, Julia, 4, and Jessica, 2, even had to leave their toys behind. They were allowed one book to share.

“Like so many people in South Africa, we live in a bubble,” said Ena Hewitt, a real estate agent. “We wanted to get outside that bubble.”

But stepping outside the sharp lines that define South Africa, a nation that endured decades of repressive white minority rule that brutally enforced racial division, can be a tricky business on many levels, the Hewitts soon learned.

By Lydia Polgreen

Ena Hewitt on how the experience of living in the settlement affected her children.

 

Some people, especially residents of Mamelodi, the township that includes the squatter camp, have applauded the Hewitts for putting aside the comforts of their own life to see how the other half — or in this case, much more than half — live.

“I think it’s a wonderful thing,” said Vusi Mahlasela, a prominent South African musician who also lives in Mamelodi. “We all need to understand each other better.”

But their experiment also poked at some of South Africa’s sorest spots. Were they white slum tourists who had come to gawk at black poverty? Was this simply a publicity stunt, aimed at getting a book or movie deal — or worse still, a reality television show?

And even if their motives were noble, did they inadvertently confirm what many here suspect: black poverty gets little notice until a white person experiences and highlights it?

Some critics took to Twitter with outright nasty, even violent responses.”You know what? Hope the paraffin stove falls over and you people burn in that shack. Bye!” tweeted someone going by the handle @Keratilwe.

 

Others were more measured in their critique.

“One would think that after 20 years of a democracy underpinned on the idea of diversity and inclusion, white South Africans would know what would be meaningful ways to engage black South Africans,” said Sibusiso Tshabalala, a young black businessman who wrote an opinion article about the Hewitts in which he referred to their experiment in township living as “Survivor Mamelodi.”

Busi Dlamini, executive director of Dignity International, a rights group, said that the Hewitts’ motives were clearly noble, but that their experiment in township living was bound to be fraught given the history of South Africa.

“It is what I call poverty pornography,” Ms. Dlamini said. “They put themselves at the center of the narrative that reinforces the centrality of whiteness in South Africa.”

Osiame Molefe, a writer who is working on a book about race relations in South Africa, wrote in an e-mail that “the Hewitts’ empathy project is a performance of the privilege of being relatively wealthy and white.” He added: “They have sought out, won and accepted sympathy and praise for living the hardships others experience daily without receiving the commensurate plaudits.”

Indeed, few have wrestled with these questions as painfully as the Hewitts themselves.

“Ena and I laugh about this,” Mr. Hewitt said. “We just landed upon this massive social schism in South Africa.”

Asked why his family decided to move to a shack rather than following the more traditional route of building a school or a playground in a township, Mr. Hewitt replied: “It’s very simple. We’re doing it for ourselves. We’re doing it to change ourselves.”

His parents had been horrified that he decided to bring their young granddaughters to live in a township. After all, the Hewitts lived in a gated community, the kind of place where the wealthy shield themselves from South Africa’s violent crime epidemic.

But the couple insisted that their children should learn to cross South Africa’s ever-present boundaries of race and class.

“People might say it is irresponsible to bring children,” Mr. Hewitt said. “But I would rather say it is irresponsible to raise children in this country who can’t cross boundaries.”

By Lydia Polgreen

Julian Hewitt on the social differences between living in the settlement and in the suburbs of Pretoria.

 

Among the most immovable legacies of apartheid are the rigid geographic boundaries that separate the races. Far-flung, overcrowded townships like Mamelodi were the only urban places black people were permitted to live. Colored, or mixed race people, were restricted to their own areas, also on the periphery of cities. People of Asian descent were required to live in monoethnic suburbs as well. The nicest suburbs were for whites.

While well-to-do black people have moved into formerly white suburbs since apartheid ended in 1994, whites have generally not reciprocated. Indeed, even poor whites have their own slums, far from black people.

For all their irrepressible cheer, life in a shack was not easy for the Hewitts. August is the bitterest month of South Africa’s winter, and keeping warm in an uninsulated, thin-walled structure was impossible. They all slept on a pile of mattresses on the floor, fully clothed in multiple layers. Even so, in the first week the entire family had the flu.

Keeping everyone clean without running water was a daily challenge. Ms. Hewitt, who has a washing machine at home, tried scrubbing the children’s clothes by hand, but she struggled with the task.

“I put the girls’ clothes up on the line to dry, but my neighbors all laughed at me,” Ms. Hewitt said. “They said, ‘Those are still dirty!’ ”

At home, the Hewitts use a gas stove that heats quickly at the flick of a wrist. In Mamelodi, the family relied on the same kind of smelly, balky paraffin cookstove their neighbors used.

“A simple pasta that would take me 20 minutes at home took an hour and a half,” Ms. Hewitt said.

But the biggest surprise was how expensive it was to move around. Commuting using the local transportation that most poor people rely on ate up almost half of the family’s $300 budget for the month.

“It was really an eye-opener,” Mr. Hewitt said. “People need to realize that if they are paying minimum wage, a huge portion of that is going to transport.”

But the Hewitts said they would miss many aspects of their time in the township, which ended on Aug. 30.

By Lydia Polgreen

Mr. Hewitt says goodbye to a neighbor in the settlement.

 

“There is a real sense of community, where people rely on each other and take care of each other,” Ms. Hewitt said. “That is something that we don’t have enough of back home.”

The couple said they planned to keep up with the new friends they made. On a recent evening, Mr. Hewitt made the six-mile drive from his hilltop house back to the squatter camp to go to a lively new church the family discovered while living there.

 
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Posted by on September 16, 2013 in African News

 

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Tackling Youth Unemployment in Sierra Leone: Umaru’s Story

 umaru making shoes

STRICKEN WITH POLIO AT AGE 10, UMARU NOW SUPPORTS HIS FAMILY AS A SHOEMAKER (UNDP/T. TRENCHARD)

 

Youth unemployment was a major cause of the 11-year civil war in Sierra Leone and remains a serious threat to the peace that is enjoyed in the country today. An estimated 800,000 youths between the ages of 15 and 35 are actively searching for employment. Some of these youths lack skills and education, but it is even more difficult for those with disabilities and only a basic education to compete for the limited jobs that are available.

 

Umaru, more popularly known as K-Man in his community, was a youth facing a bleak future. When he was 10 years old, Umaru was stricken by polio, an acute viral infectious disease that is widespread among children in Sierra Leone and leads to infantile paralysis.

Highlights

  • With UNDP’s support, the lives of 10,299 young have been transformed through increased incomes and improved food security
  • The income of the youth involved increased on average by 197%
  • Through the assistance, 5,000 young people started their own businesses

 

Umaru, moved from his small hometown to Makeni, the biggest city in northern Sierra Leone, where he survived by begging on the streets. Umaru had attended school for only nine years. In Makeni, his fellow disabled peers advised him that begging was the only way for disabled people to make a living. Fortunately, Umaru was selected for training provided through UNDP’s youth employment programme. He was placed as an apprentice in a workshop where he learned how to make shoes. “I had decided that I did not want to be a beggar, I want to do something more fruitful and dignified with my life. The training was good,” a smiling Umaru explained. “I was supplied with basic materials like adhesives, leather, nails, a hammer, and I was also given a weekly allowance to look after myself while in training.”

 

Since he participated in the training, Umaru has achieved a great deal. He finished his apprenticeship and started his own small business, which enables him to earn his living without begging. “I have a family now, and a child. I am responsible for feeding them and educating my child. On average, I earn about US$ 7 a day. On a good day, I earn even more. Now I am happy and proud,” he said. “My life has changed,” he continued, holding up one of his customers’ shoes. “I charge US$ 1.20 USD to repair it, and these sandals I made, I charged US$ 8 US for each. My life has changed, I run my own workshop and I am even training other disabled and polio victims. Hopefully, I will get more support to expand my workshop into a factory that will produce more and train more young disabled people.”

 

UNDP has been working with various local partners – including CAUSE Sierra Leone, a youth-focused agency in Makeni – to support the country and address the issue of youth employment and empowerment.

 

The UNDP-managed US$ 2.1 million Youth Employment and Empowerment Programme is funded through the United Nations Peacebuilding Fund and the Governments of Ireland and Norway. It is designed to strengthen national policy, strategy and coordination for youth employment as well as sustain the establishment of basic support services for youth, including mentoring for micro and small enterprises and the establishment of career advisory services in the country’s universities.

 

In partnership with the newly established National Youth Commission and the Ministry of Youth Employment and Sports,  5,000 young people have started their own businesses as a result of the support. A recent independent study of the Programme shows that the support that Umaru received has transformed the lives of 10,299 young people overall. The study also found an average increase in the income of the youth of more than 197 percent. Communities also reported improvement in their food security and ability to afford further education.

 

Back in Makeni, for Umaru, the impact of the project is not just that he now has a regular and significant income, but that his social status as a dignified member of society has been restored. “The most important thing is that now I have hope for the future,” he said.

 
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Posted by on August 27, 2013 in African News

 

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In Africa, a Renewed Sense of Potential

Ghanaian President John Dramani Mahama (right) waves to the crowd with Nigerian President Goodluck Jonathan. (AFP)

Your Take: The African Union is finally living up to its promise, 50 years later, writes the president of Ghana.

by John Dramani Mahama, President of Ghana

Ghanaian President John Dramani Mahama (right) waves to the crowd with Nigerian President Goodluck Jonathan. (AFP)

 When the African Union (known then as the Organization of African Unity) was founded, the leaders of that era understood that the success of their individual countries hinged on the success of the entire continent. Now, as the organization celebrates its 50th anniversary, we understand more than ever the key role that unity has played in Africa’s past and must continue to play as the continent embraces this new wave of economic prosperity and international attention.

Dr. Kwame Nkrumah, founding father of Ghana, the first sub-Saharan nation to gain its independence from colonial rule, famously said, “Our independence is meaningless unless it is linked up with the total liberation of Africa.” This sense of solidarity was one of the driving forces behind the gathering of Dr. Nkrumah and other leaders from 32 African nations on May 25, 1963, in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. Emperor Haile Selassie hosted that first ever African Summit, during which the organization was born.

It is easy in this information age of search engines and social media, where protest and consensus are only a click away, to dismiss this decision to stand as one body in support of each other’s mutual interests as unremarkable. But, in fact, it was a quite remarkable feat. It took a vision that extended beyond the problems and circumstances of right then and right there. It took the wisdom to know that all vestiges of domination had to be deconstructed. New structures and paradigms, ones that mirrored our indigenous traditions, had to be created.

The divisions that had been created by colonialism, from artificial boundaries to purposely manufactured ethnic tensions, were all intentional impediments to African unity and, as a consequence, African liberation. Dividing, after all, is the first step toward conquering.

The Organization of African Unity concerned itself with improving the living conditions of Africans on the continent, defending the sovereignty of newly liberated nations, as well as funding and fighting for the liberation of places still under colonial domination. It imposed sanctions on South Africa for its practice of apartheid and aligned itself with individuals and groups in other parts of the world, particularly the United States, that were engaged in a struggle for the equality of African people within the diaspora.

Perhaps the most important mission of the Organization of African Unity, implicit in its every existence, was the recognition of Africans, regardless of origin, as brothers and sisters of the same soil. We were accepting the responsibility to be each other’s keeper.

But the priorities of the organization could only mirror the priorities of its member nations. There were years when some nations were being devastated by war, famine, ethnic strife and crippling poverty. The continent was fragmented. Many nations were too busy struggling for their own survival to take on the additional burden of being another country’s keeper. And, not surprisingly, the despots and coup-makers who were looting their country’s coffers balked at the idea of accountability.

During those years, which are often referred to as “the lost decades,” the Organization of African Unity seemed to exist in name only; many referred to it as a toothless bulldog. Nevertheless, everyone still recognized the need for its existence.

In 2002, the Organization of African Unity was dissolved and replaced with the African Union. It was more than a superficial makeover. The post-colonial growing pains that had resulted in chaos and poor governance for many nations were now giving way to peace, democracy and the rule of law. And once again, we recognized the strength and power in our unity.

The African Union is a well-structured organization with precise goals, a primary one of which is “to accelerate the political and socio-economic integration of the continent.” In order to hasten this integration, eight regional economic communities were created: the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the East African Community (EAC), to name just two.

 

It is without a doubt that these subregional bodies have played a significant role in bringing economic stability. So much so that the majority of the nations listed as the world’s fastest growing economies are on the African continent.

Now that the majority of African nations are committed to the development of their democracies, the African Union is also better able to define its role when there is a need for conflict resolution. And because the challenges facing our nations are increasingly becoming ones that have no regard for national boundaries, challenges such as effectively enforcing laws to end the trafficking of drugs and human beings, addressing the impact of climate change, deforestation, desertification and land degradation, the African Union’s member states will come to an agreement on how to grant the organization full legislative powers, while at the same time enabling nations to maintain their sovereignty.

Just like the continent that it oversees, the African Union is a work in progress. As a student of history, I know that 50 years is a relatively short span of time, amounting to nothing more than a page in a history textbook. When considered in that context, the African Union has come a very long way since its inception — three whole decades before the inception of the European Union — and given the limitations that it has faced over the years, African Union has achieved a great deal.

At that first African summit in Addis Ababa, Emperor Haile Selassie said, “May this convention of union last 1,000 years.” With the renewed sense of potential on the African continent, indeed it shall.

John Dramani Mahama is the president of Ghana. 

 
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Posted by on August 19, 2013 in African News

 

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‘Oil threat’ to DR Congo’s Virunga National Park

 

Some of eastern DRC’s numerous armed groups are based in the park.

The conservation group WWF is calling on a UK-based company to abandon its plans to explore for oil in Africa’s oldest national park.

The charity says Soco International’s proposals could put the Virunga National Park in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo at risk.

The park is home to more than 3,000 different kinds of animals, including endangered mountain gorillas.

Soco denied that its activities threatened the environment of the park.

The company said it was currently only evaluating the resources there.

‘Gone for good’

In a report, WWF says the exploitation of oil concessions in the park, which is a World Heritage Site, could cause widespread pollution and environmental damage, as well as create conflict.

“Once you turn it into an oil field you sell it once and it’s gone for good. It’s going to get destroyed, polluted – the beauty of it will go to waste,” said Raymond Lumbuenamo, country director for WWF-Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC).

Soco is the only company of its kind working in Virunga after France’s Total said it would not do so.

WWF says instead of oil exploration, sustainable activities such as hydropower generation, fishing and ecotourism, should be developed.

The Virunga National Park, which contains lakes, forests, savannah and volcanoes, was founded in 1925 by King Albert I of Belgium.

It is home to some 200 endangered mountain gorillas, according to its website.

The International Gorilla Conservation Programme says there are currently 880 mountain gorillas in the world.

Tourism in Virunga is currently suspended due to insecurity in the region, with armed groups continuing to operate.

 
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Posted by on August 1, 2013 in African News

 

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Africa’s new suitor and the dilemma of many investment partners

Odomaro Mubangizi

2013-07-24, Issue 640

 


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Among the investment suitors lined up for Africa, Brazil has close historical and cultural links with Africa and this makes her a more likely partner than other rivals. Africa should develop the chemistry that exists between her and Brazil

That Africa is on a roller-coaster economic growth trajectory is not in question among economics and development experts. From Cape to Cairo, from Ethiopia to Nigeria, private and public investments, especially in banking, infrastructure, telecoms, retail and general trading, health and pharmaceuticals, mining and metals, insurance, oil and gas, consumer goods, construction and materials, and information technology, have turned Africa into the most coveted investment destination of choice. This has made the African continent a much sought after suitor, to use, a romantic term, by the major world economies such as India, China, Brazil, EU and the US. But the most interesting recent global development is the economic block known as BRICS (Brazil, Russia, China and South Africa). Of interest for this article is the role of Brazil as a potential investor or trade partner for Africa. The article seeks to analyze the merits and demerits of Africa’s courtship with Brazil amidst the stiff competition with other more powerful rivals such as China, US, EU and even South Africa itself. The theoretical framework will be that of international political economy, in the context of globalization, pan-Africanism, regional integration and emerging geo-politics. The analytical and conceptual framework is deliberately ambitious to capture as many variables as possible so as to get a full picture of what is at stake in this exciting complex scramble for Africa’s resources and economic glamour.

AFRICA AS AN EMERGING GLOBAL ECONOMIC POWER: CAN SHE CLAIM THE 21ST CENTURY?

Discerning observers of Africa’s development process since independence seem to all agree on one evident fact, that Africa is now the fastest growing continent, thanks to her untapped natural resources, and cheap young labour force. Another major factor that is making Africa an emerging global economic power-house is the new investor confidence she has gained from the developed economies at time when the global economy is experiencing recurrent crises. It is as if African ancestors have finally been appeased and they are returning favours to their long-suffering descendants. The IMF and the World Bank in their annual reports, are all in agreement that Africa is about to experience an economic take-off. On average, Africa is estimated to be experiencing an economic growth of at about 5 percent per annum. Of course the gross income inequality can be masked by such an impressive growth both within individual states and across the continent. South Africa is not on the same level of economic growth as Malawi, Botswana is not at the same level of economic prosperity as Uganda, Angola with its double digit growth cannot be compared with South Sudan.

Over all, there is renewed optimism about Africa’s economic prospects. Some analysts point to the relative political stability of the continent. Also to note is the general increase of countries that have embraced democratization. The 1990s saw the decline of one-party states giving way to multiparty democracy, and some countries such as Ghana, Mauritius, Botswana, Zambia, Malawi and Mozambique, having free, fair and regular multi-party elections under the rule of law. While countries such as DRC and Somalia are still trapped in armed conflict, overall, armed strife has declined across the continent. Such peace dividends are a prerequisite for rapid economic growth and boosting investor confidence.

At a geopolitical and international political economic level, the emergence of a multi-polar world has left Africa relatively free from externally instigated armed conflict for ideological and strategic interests as was the case during the cold war. This is not to suggest that external forces have completely been obliterated. Far from it. The new challenge of global terrorism has once again brought Africa face to face with the choice of taking sides in the global war on terror. But the current impact on the global war on terror cannot be compared to the infamous cold-war rivalry. Africa now has more rational options in pursuing foreign policies that will be advantageous to its individual countries. After all, Africa has a continent-wide integration model under the rubric of the African Union and its specialized agencies such as NEPAD.

Africa’s population estimated at about 1 billion with its youth population of between age 15 and 24 is expected to double to 400 million by 2045. The market and productive potential of such a continent needs no further elaboration. Key to the vibrant young population’s contribution to economic growth is the easy use of Information Communication Technology (ICT), especially mobile phones for banking and other business transactions. For instance in Uganda, it is estimated that the amount of money transacted through mobile money has reached $ 4.5 billion USD by 2012 with about 2.9 million users. Kenya took the lead in mobile money transfer with its innovative M-pesa launched by Safaricom. Kenya’s Equity Bank has also come up with innovative financial services to become one of Africa’s fastest growing banks in the region.

Intra-African trade has also increased considerably thanks to regional trade blocks such as SADC, East African Community, ECOWAS, and COMESA. The two giant economies of Africa, Nigeria and South Africa have increased their bilateral trade with more than 100 South African companies doing business in Nigeria. The major catalyst for investment and economic growth in Africa is African Development Bank (ADB) under the able leadership of Dr. Donald Kabaruka who seems to have got the economic policies right. This is manifested in ADB’s current private sector portfolio that stands at $ 8 billion USD and is expected to grow to $ 10 billion by 2014. The private sector is now considered the engine of economic growth, despite the fact that some African government still get tempted to embrace a state controlled economy with little room for the private sector. The other major policy shift that stands the chance of boosting power is for instance the World Bank and ADB have signed an agreement to fund Ethiopia-Kenya power line that will cost $ 1.2 billion USD. If such cross-border power grids can be developed across most African counties, the shortage of electricity would be solved and the once labeled ‘Dark Continent’ would begin to shine.

THEN COMES CHINA: LOOK TO THE EAST

The common mantra on every one’s lips these days is how China has invaded Africa for trade and investment. China-African summits are a common occurrence and one often hears African heads of state invoking the phrase: ‘We look East’ as if to make the West feel a bit jealous. Is this ‘look East’ mere hubris or it is a new paradigm in Africa’s foreign policy? China symbolically welcomed this new policy imperative making rounds in Africa by donating the headquarters building of AU in Addis Ababa that cost $ 200 million USD. Never mind the counter argument that China actually gets about $ 130 billion USD in trade and investment! China has indeed funded massive infrastructural projects in Africa with grants and loans. Just by way of examples: between 2001 and 2011 China funded some African countries as follows: Rwanda $ 469 million USD; Burundi $ 165 million USD; Kenya $ 1.6 billion USD; Tanzania $ 4.6 billion USD; and Uganda $ 4.5 billion USD. Others countries that China has good investment with are both Nigeria and Angola in oil and construction.

The most dramatic development in Africa’s geopolitical and international economic re-alignment is the emergence of China as the world’s second largest economy after the United States. China’s attractiveness as Africa’s new trade partner is premised on China’s policy of not interfering with internal politics of partner countries. This of course has its own drawbacks for Africa’s new young democracies. Tyrannical regimes would gladly welcome such a policy that will not make them accountable to the electorate. It also raises a deeper question of whether one can sustain economic growth without a corresponding growth in democratic systems such as free and fair elections, rule of law and free media.

THEN FOLLOWS BRICS: A NEW POWER CENTER ON THE RISE

While observers of global politics are still making sense of the Chinese ascendance on the global scene, a new power center has emerged under the acronym BRICS (Brazil, India, China and South Africa). This is the first time in world politics that a South-South economic block has emerged to challenge the Western hegemonic control of the global economy. The Bretton Woods institutions such as the World Bank and IMF are popularly known, have now to face the reality of another economic power center especially if the BRICS go ahead and set up a bank of their own. For Africa, BRICS is an exciting possibility given that it will once again break the monopoly over the global economy that the West has enjoyed for centuries. But most importantly, South Africa, Africa’s leading economy is part of this economic block. This is very significant given that South Africa has the top ten of Africa’s 250 largest companies. And most importantly, Brazil another emerging economy is part of this economic architecture. If these two can team with the rest of Africa, the BRICS can help Africa meet some of its strategic goals in the international political economy.

Some critical questions about BRICS of course is the danger of Africa being torn apart by multiple offers from the various suitors wanting a hand in the investment marriage. What will happen to the China-Africa trade and investment deals if BRICS has other interested parties equally greedy for Africa’s immense resources and economic potential? Is Africa united and cohesive enough as an economic block to negotiate deals with Russia, China, and Brazil? Does South Africa side with Africa while it is part of BRICS in the case of complex trade and investment deals without falling into the trap of a conflict of interests?

WILL BRAZIL WIN THIS COURTSHIP CONTEST FOR AFRICA?

We now turn to Brazil the main focus of this discussion. I want to argue that Brazil, given its cultural and economic similarities with Africa, has a better chance of being Africa’s trade and investment partner even if the BRICS framework is maintained. Brazil has about 60 percent of its population who are people of African descent. This brings some cultural proximity to Africa. Economics is also about chemistry. The vibrant Afro-Brazilian culture manifested in dress, food, dance and belief systems can provide a basis for close economic cooperation. The only challenge being language—Brazil uses Portuguese while most African counties use either French or English as official languages. Only Angola and Mozambique use Portuguese. This might be another opportunity to explore in Brazil’s foreign policy, to think of promoting Portuguese in Africa while at the same time introducing French and English in Brazil. Language is a tool for cultural exchange and trade.

Brazil can also help link Africa with the rest of Latin America, a continent that has a lot in common with Africa in as far as colonial history is concerned. Again Latin America has a vibrant religious and cultural landscape that is akin to that of Africa. This can help create stronger bonds of South-South cooperation. Asia can be part of this geopolitical re-alignment via India and China. Only then can the end of Western hegemony be accomplished in an increasingly globalized world.

The other advantage that Brazil has over other competitors for Africa’s economy of affection is its relatively recent economic take off. As Africa learns to jump, it is better to learn with some one of equal strength.

Brazil is also experiencing birth-pangs of state consolidation judging by the recent streets protests about high public transport costs, unemployment and restless youth. Brazil is to host three major events: this year, World Youth Day led by the Pope Francis, then next will follow the World Cup and Olympics. These three global events can help show-case Brazil as an economic force to be reckoned with. But the unrest that Brazil is experiencing has to be addressed strategically. If the protests in Brazil turn out to be harbingers of a ‘Brazilian Spring’ then Africa’s new suitor’s credibility and image is in question.

WHAT AFRICA NEEDS TO GET RIGHT: STRATEGIC FRAMEWORK

When all is said and done, what strategic options does Africa have vis-à-vis the emerging economies of the South and East, especially Brazil? Africa has been experimenting with all kinds of policy frameworks and strategies for decades: modernization; Lagos Plan of Action; Structural Adjustment Programs (SAPs); neo-liberalism; private sector; import substitution; and recently, developmental state inspired by the East Asian model and China. From all these varied approaches, one conclusion can be made: Africa has been marked by policy uncertainty for decades.

This calls for a more careful scrutiny of strategic options available lest past mistakes get repeated. As George Santayana aptly observed that, ‘If you forget history you are condemned to repeat its mistakes.’ Some of the past mistakes to be avoided are the following: 1) Over-depending on foreign policy experts to find solutions to Africa’s problems; 2) Designing short-term policies that come and go with particular regimes; 3) Operating in colonial political economic frameworks; 4) Failure to link development with democracy; 5) Not utilizing indigenous knowledge systems.

The next step is the complex strategic analysis of what comparative advantages Africa has in engaging Brazil more instead of either China or India. On close inspection one notices that the BRICS model masks certain fundamental philosophical differences among these five emerging global economic powers. A quick appraisal of each is in order. Brazil has a dynamic civil society and private sector and has also embraced democracy. India and South Africa are in the same category as Brazil as far as economic liberalization and democratization processes are concerned. Not so China and Russia which are unapologetically state-controlled political economies. Africa needs to be careful when it comes to what political economy to follow. Some countries such as Kenya, South Africa, Ghana, Mauritius and Botswana are fully committed to development that has democracy as an essential element. The AU through its NEPAD framework demands that states be accountable both politically and economically. Why then all of a sudden is this rhetoric of seeking economic development first while democracy waits for some time? Why would African countries claim to be upholding the rule of law and still argue that they do not want to be subjected to international justice systems such as the ICC, a system that they willingly became signatory to? Even if there were other rogue states that violate international law, that is not a good argument to want to emulate them. So Africa needs to get right the essentials of democracy as the various African constitutions spell them out: rule of law, a democratic constitution, free media, bill of rights, and respecting the international conventions that each country subscribes to.

Finally, on the question of how Africa will navigate through the competing suitors, some suggestions. In a multi-polar that we now live in, Africa can no longer think in terms of either or, when it comes to selecting who to do business with. In choosing Brazil, Africa cannot say it has nothing to do with China or the USA. Africa will have to develop a complex integrated model of constructive engagement with whoever has something to offer in the global market. This is not different from what the developed economies are doing. The EU does business with China just as it does with USA. There are other economic groups such as the G8 that control the world economy but they also have widened the net to now comprise the G20. This kind of strategic flexibility is what Africa needs. Some countries in Africa are already experimenting with this strategic flexibility. For example Tanzania belongs to both the East African Community and SADC. Africa will have to learn the age-old lesson that economics like politics is an art of the possible.

Strategic areas that both Africa and Brazil need to invest in include: industrialization; tourism; agriculture; infrastructure development especially power, roads, air travel; human resource development and South-South cooperation.

CONCLUSION

In conclusion, the role of Brazil in Africa cannot be divorced from the BRICS initiative. But a case has been made for a strategic option for Brazil as far as Africa is concerned given the unique common characteristics that the regions have in common. Africa should exploit the chemistry that exists between her and Brazil. However, a key element that will make the bonds between Brazil and Africa strong and sustainable is stable democracy and inclusive development. Both Brazil and Africa have a certain charm and mystique that is mutually beneficial, and they are not rivals in this regard.

*Odomaro Mubangizi (Dr) teaches philosophy at the Institute of Philosophy and Theology in Addis Ababa and is also Editor of ‘Justice, Peace and Environment Bulletin.’

 
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Posted by on July 30, 2013 in African News

 

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On the situation in Egypt: an insider’s viewpoint

Helmi Sharawy

2013-07-10, Issue 638

cc A M In essence, what we had witnessed on 30 June 2013 in Egypt was the ordinary people’s revolution against the Islamists governance that had dismantled their lives for the interests of the West

Dear Friends,

These words are part of discussions with friends in some African institutions and abroad relevant to the Western capitalist media’s categorization of Egyptian popular movement as a military coup. I am writing this letter after having returned very tired from Tahrir Square in support of the change. I wrote to my friends:

I am still surprised that you are following the news from Obama and conservative sources on the western side who were and are still interested in supporting Islamist groups in Egypt. We know that the USA has used Islamists in Afghanistan, Libya and Syria as well as for their strategy in the Middle East to protect Israel and oil fields. There was no economic development since Morsi came to power. Moreover, poverty was exacerbated because Islamists were preparing to accept the economic reforms dictated by the IMF.

CRISES MOUNT

These crises and others political issues had mobilized more than 20 million people to sign a petition to delegitimize the government of President Morsi. The organizing group of the campaign is called Tamarod (Rebel). They were able to mobilize people mostly throughout the month of June, and on 30 June at Tahrir and other squares and streets of the cities of Egypt, they were able to repeat the Revolution and recalled the memory of 25 January 2011, the beginning of the Revolution; here again they said a big NO to Islamists.
After the meetings between the Tamarod Group and political and civil society organizations, all united to call for the end of Morsi’s legitimacy. The supreme Military Command of Egypt sent a short notice after the mass protests of 30 June. I repeat, it was after 30 June that the supreme military command announced that it will defend the people’s demands because the President has failed to listen. (This must be admitted, it is gracious and legal for any national military to ask the president to listen to the people!)

THE RISE OF POLITICAL ALLIANCE

The decisive announcement was declared on 4 July in a meeting attended by representatives of the political alliance headed by Dr. Baradei, Al-Azhar University, the Pope of the Egyptian Coptic community, Tamarod activists, women representatives, an Islamist party representative from Al Nour and top military officers. In this context, can someone claim this to be a planned military coup? All attendees agreed to form a democratic government admitting that the current regime has failed the aspirations and inspiration of the January 2011 Revolution; they all committed to establishing a Constitution, interim presidency, and prepare for free and fair elections.
We should not forget that global capitalism and the US need the Islamists in the Middle East, and certainly the Western media is working well to serve this purpose!

MILITARY INTERVENTION DID NOT SERVE THE WEST

We can’t forget African peoples in Mali, Ghana, Tanzania, and etc. in their democratic transitions of 1991/1992: there were popular movements, problematic changes and sometimes even appeals to the national military to serve as a buffer-zone. And we called those processes an acceptable democratization model. We should not also forget that the western global machines can do many things to dismantle the original agenda of these liberation movements of the masses in Africa (Mali, Benin, and Madagascar as examples). The West, as we have witnessed before, does use IMF loans, World Bank programs etc. for its purposes and does not often denounce military intervention in developing countries if they are serving Western interest. Alas, in Egypt, the military intervention did not serve these Western interests.

Scholarly thought in Africa or anywhere else should not continue to consider only the western means of political change to be legitimate or accepted. Should we always accept changes through so called ‘Youth Spring,’ ‘Youth movement’ ‘Green movement’ and ‘Colored revolutions’ as the only legitimate mechanism for political change?

In essence, what we had witnessed on 30 June 2013 in Egypt was the ordinary people’s revolution against the Islamists governance that had dismantled their lives for the interests of the West: there were the poorest of the people who suffered under the Islamists rule, and before them they suffered under the military supreme council rule that followed the Mubarak regime. Both regimes ignored any developmental social programs for the poor. The masses of 30 June were led by the marginalized youth of the 25 January 2011 uprising. The problem facing the democratic forces now is not a military coup; it is weak organization and the challenge of putting strong socio- economic programs that support and uplift the poor.

*Helmi Sharawy is the former Director of Arab and African Research Center in Cairo; he is an author and executive member of CODESRIA, the Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa.

 
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Posted by on July 16, 2013 in African News

 

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Africa’s music industry grows to its own beat

knaan T
By JAKE BRIGHT

Africa’s music business is booming, led by Nigeria, and data on its contribution to growth are starting to emerge

Africa’s contemporary music scene, led largely by Nigeria, is redefining the continent’s creative landscape. With a new generation of artists crafting anthems with international appeal, music is becoming a significant sector driving Africa’s transformation. Some experts believe the industry could emerge as the continent’s new face to the world and a pillar of global pop culture.

“Nigerian soft power, driven by music, is already the dominant soundtrack to young Africa,” says Obi Asika, a Lagos-based entertainment executive who heads up Storm 360 Records. “Over the next five years, as it begins to monetise, create more superstars, and produce more content it will increasingly become one of the dominant cultural platforms in the world.”

This is not the first time African artists have gained pan-African or global recognition. Performers like Youssou N’dour, Ali “Farka” Toure, and Angelique Kidjo became iconic symbols in the 1980s and 1990s, establishing the ‘world music’ genre.

So what is unique to African music now? A survey of musicians and business insiders reveals several dominant trends. A legitimate African pop music industry with global distribution and growing revenue streams is budding. There is an unprecedented volume of new performers connecting globally. Nigeria in particular  has become a beacon of artists, production, and hits for the continent. And these trends mirror the continent’s transformation narrative. Economically, Africa is booming, and the continent is becoming the world’s new consumer market with rising global influence.

While it is still commonly viewed as wanting, there is more of an African pop music infrastructure now than ever before. Less than a decade ago the production and organisation of popular African music would have been difficult for a US or UK industry analyst to track. Outside of South Africa, local or pan-African charts, hit-producing labels, or high grade music videos were largely absent.

Today recording studios, managers, producers, professional music videos, and digital distribution platforms are developing rapidly from hubs in Accra, Lagos, and Nairobi. Online national charts and download platforms like iROKING are surfacing. The music publication Billboard announced its expansion into Africa in 2013, and Nigerian hits are now available on Amazon and iTunes.

African music clearly has momentum, but attempts to gather basic market statistics highlights the industry’s nascence. Few figures pertaining to the size of the industry are available, stemming from weak national structures to regulate music sales and monetise intellectual property, according to Iboro Otu, a Nigerian producer and entertainment consultant at A Billionmen Productions.

“In Nigeria and most African countries accurate music industry data are almost impossible to come by,” says Mr Otu. “The agencies entrusted with these duties and copyright protection do not carry it out. Places like the US aggregate these statistics at the point of sale, but in Nigeria for every single CD or DVD sold legitimately it is estimated at least 10 copies are pirated.”

Mr Otu is trying to fill that knowledge gap by assembling data on Nigerian music for his production company and the World Bank. His homespun statistics indicate that Nigeria tripled album sales to 30m from 2005 to 2008, and that global annual Nigerian live performance revenues reached around $105m. According to Storm 360 CEO Obi Asika, Nigerian mobile operators generated $150m selling pop music ringtones and other music related services in 2011. He estimates the value of entertainment products consumed by Nigerians, including Nollywood films, at $2 to $5bn a year. The $3bn spread in that statistic underscores the challenges in valuing Africa’s creative industries.

If core industry data is lacking, the stable of talented African artists that will drive the industry is not. Akon and K’naan are firmly established as mainstream global stars. Less commercially, there is an African indie/alternative scene taking root, led by artists like Kenya’s Just a Band, Ghanaian hip hop maestro Blitz The Ambassador, Congolese-Belgian Baloji, and Afro-futurist Spoek Mathambo, who signed with Sub-Pop – the US indie label that broke Nirvana. In European pop, the Ivoirian group Magic System registers on French charts. In 2012, Ghana’s Azonto music and dance moves went viral, becoming Africa’s answer to the Psy craze.

The leader of Africa’s new pop music movement is its most populous nation, Nigeria. This became evident at MTV’s first Africa Music Awards in 2008. After performances featuring nominees in Nairobi, Johannesburg, Lagos, and Kinshasa, the Nigerians dominated, taking eight out of 12 top prizes.

taking eight out of 12 top prizes. Nigerian pop has tremendous panAfrican appeal with a deep field of notable artists: 2Face, Don Jazzy, J Martins, Timaya, Naeto-C, Flavour, Iyanya, and young Wizkid. Nigerian musicians are also making significant inroads in global music markets. Nigeria’s two most recognized stars, D’Banj and brother duo P-Square, signed with major labels – D’Banj with Kanye West’s GOOD label and P-Square with Universal Music. D’Banj’s Oliver Twist recently reached number 2 on UK charts, while P-Square’s Beautiful Onyinye surpassed 12m views on Youtube.

So how does Africa’s rapidly evolving music scene fit into its transformation narrative? The continent’s burgeoning technology movement, with a commitment of capital from global tech players – including IBM, Google and Microsoft – and growing proliferation of tech incubation hubs – such as Kenya’s iHub and Ghana’s proposed Hope City – creates promise for modernising monetisation and distribution platforms.

The region also boasts powerful demographics. Africans are expected to number two billion by 2050, the majority under the age of 35,  translating into a new consumer class. Parallel to that is the global power of Africa’s diaspora, sending home tens of billions of dollars a year and growing in affluence.

These factors offer a potent recipe for a lively new music scene with real economic traction. African music, its earning power and artistry, has prospects to develop within and beyond the continent, attracting global mainstream music houses searching for new artists and markets. Warner Music created its own label, Warner Music Gallo Africa, and Universal Music, in partnership with Samsung, launched a African music app in 2013, called Kleek.

Industry analyst and Billboard deputy director Yinka Adegoke is optimistic for Africa’s pop scene, but stresses the need for better infrastructure to reach its global potential. “A lot of big music labels visit Africa and say, ‘the talent is here, but it’s unclear what our legal and revenue situation is,’” he says. “There needs to be monitoring of all platforms: radio, record stores, online and mobile phones. From there, structures for monetising and royalties are needed so artists can make money. These things take time and will require legal help from governments.”

In Mr Asika’s view the key components will come together around the appeal of Nigerian music. “When American hip hop broke out you had people all over the world singing ‘Brooklyn [or] the Bronx in the house.’ It wasn’t because they were from those places. It was because the music had captured that elusive, authentic coolness everyone is looking for,” he says.

“I think Nigerian music has that with the right conditions now. The continent is ready for it; audiences are already embedded for it internationally. Global culture is craving something fresh and vibrant, and African music is it.”

 

 
 

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What is middle class in Ivory Coast?

Two Ivorians, considered to be middle class by the African Development Bank, tell the BBC’s Tamasin Ford how they survive on between $2 (£1.30) and $20 a day.

Konan Kouassi Vercruysses, 26, runs a phone booth with his cousin. He works five-hour shifts, six days a week and attends university. Kouadio Koffi, 29, is a security guard who shares a one-room house with his cousin. He works 12-hour night shifts, six days a week.
Monthly budget Konan Kouassi Vercruysses Kouadio Koffi
Earnings $240-$530 $100
Rent (inc water) $80 (for his room and one for his cousin) $33
Transport $20 $2
Electricity $8 $4
Gas (for cooking) $2 $4.40
Internet $3.20
Phone $12 $2
Food $140 (including for his cousin) $50
Clothes $10-$30 $10 (if money available)
Other circa $40 (to his cousin for phone booth work)
Savings Yes (undisclosed – been saving for five months) No

Both men, who live in the main city of Abidjan, are single with no children, do not own a car, a house or land and were affected by the five-month conflict that followed the disputed 2010 polls.

Konan Kouassi Vercruysses:

I manage a phone box at the market of Cocody in Abidjan.

A phone box is where people come to make a call or buy airtime for their mobile phones.

When you have many customers it’s profitable but if you don’t get many customers, unfortunately, you leave your work place empty-handed.

I don’t live with my parents. I rent a room in a house with my cousin.

He helps me manage my business when I am at university.

I’m studying English at the Felix Houphouet-Boigny University in Abidjan.

I don’t own the house or have any land.

I just want to live alone to be a man, to face the difficulties by myself and be independent.

My parents take care of my school fees so I just pay for everything else.

I spend most of my money on food every month for me and my cousin. Here in Abidjan, food is very expensive. If you want to eat very well you need to spend more.

I face many difficulties because when I’m managing my business myself I cannot study very well.

I’m wasting my time and often I’m very angry because I see my friends go to school but I’m obliged to stay here and manage my business.

I become very sad and very angry because my aim is not to stay here. My aim is to go beyond and be excellent in my studies.

‘I will be rich’

My dream is to become a businessman but here in Ivory Coast it’s not easy to start that right now so I would like first of all to be a teacher and then if I get some money I will set up my own business.

Konan Kouassi Vercruysses behind his phone booth in AbidjanSweets are also for sale at the phone box

Of course I am afraid of losing my business because it pays for my life.

During the crisis I had to stop working; I lost everything; I had to spend all my savings just to live, to eat.

Now I put money aside every day. I started my savings again just five months ago because I want to buy a computer. Maybe in three months I will have enough money to buy one.

Right now I don’t find I have enough money to do what I want to do because I need to pay for so many things so it’s not easy to start a good business.

If one of my brothers calls me and says he needs money, I give him some money. I have two younger brothers and three sisters; I’m the eldest.

I cannot say I’m wealthy but I cannot say I’m poor because if I’m living it means I can sustain my life.

I don’t like the word poor because if you have this in your mind it brings you down.

I’m convinced I will be rich one day. I would like to reach my goals.

If I am able to pay my food, buy my clothes it means I have something. I am not nothing.

Kouadio Koffi:

I am a security guard in the east of Abidjan but I live in Yopougon [in the west].

Transport is very expensive in Abidjan so if I had to go from my house to my work every day it would cost a lot of money because it’s far away.

So I sleep here with a friend during the week and go home at the weekends [where] life is good because things are cheaper there.

Other areas, like here where I work, are more expensive.

Kouadio Koffi in Abidjan
Kouadio Koffi cannot afford to visit cyber cafes

I live with my younger cousin in a one-room house.

He is staying with me so he can go to school here. He helps with the food bills but he doesn’t have very much.

When I wake up in the morning my problems begin, truly, because I have to first find food and then I have to help my cousin. If I had more money I could help more.

This work is tiring. I start at 6.30pm and finish at 6.30am but what other work can I do?

‘I want a family’

My father died in 2004 and that’s when I stopped going to school because I had to work to find money.

It was hard to find work then because it was just after the first crisis. Everyone fled to Abidjan and everybody needed jobs.

I don’t have any savings or any emergency fund. There is nothing in my bank account.

Everything I earn goes on rent, bills and food. There’s nothing left for savings.

When there’s a death in my family I go to my friends for help, to give me a little something. It’s like that.

Yes I am scared if I lose my job because there will be nothing to pay for my rent.

Where will I find money? If I lose my job there will be many problems for me.

I don’t have a computer and I’ve probably only been on the internet four or five times in the last five years.

It is very rare for me to visit a cyber cafe. I just don’t have the money.

After all the bills there is no money left. If there is anything, I give it to my cousin or I use it for transport to go home.

But there is usually nothing – 50,000 CFA ($100) a month is too small to live on.

When you’re sick it is serious because there is no money for the hospital.

I find small treatments or drugs from people who sell them on the street.

There are many challenges. I want to see a better life, a better life for me.

I want to have a wife and children but what food can I give them?

I need money to give them a life and send them to school. I don’t want them to suffer.

When life is better for me I can have a family.

 
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Posted by on June 27, 2013 in African News

 

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Seven African countries cut child HIV infections by half

 

A man walks past a banner tied on a bus before the start of a charity walk on HIV/AIDS at the Ebute Mata district in Nigeria's commercial capital Lagos April 21, 2012. REUTERS/Akintunde Akinleye

By Kate Kelland

(Reuters) – Seven countries in sub-Saharan Africa, the world’s worst-hit region in the global AIDS epidemic, have cut the number of new HIV infections in children by 50 percent since 2009, the United Nations AIDS program said on Tuesday.

The dramatic reductions – in Botswana, Ethiopia, Ghana, Malawi, Namibia, South Africa and Zambia – mean tens of thousands more babies are now being born free of HIV, UNAIDS said in a report on its Global Plan to tackle the disease in around 20 of the worst affected countries.

Overall, across 21 priority countries in Africa, there were 130,000 fewer new HIV infections among children in 2012 – a drop of 38 percent since 2009 – mostly due to increased drug treatment of pregnant women with the virus.

“The progress in the majority of countries is a strong signal that with focused efforts every child can be born free from HIV,” said Michel Sidibé, UNAIDS’ executive director.

“But progress has stalled in some countries with high numbers of new HIV infections. We need to find out why and remove the bottlenecks which are preventing scale-up.”

Among places causing concern, UNAIDS said, are Angola and Nigeria, where new infections in children have increased and remained unchanged respectively since 2009.

Nigeria has the largest number of children acquiring HIV in the region, with nearly 60,000 new infections in 2012.

And for those children who do become infected, access to AIDS drugs that can keep their disease in check is “unacceptably low”, UNAIDS said, with only 3 in 10 children getting the AIDS medicines they need in most priority countries.

The report said much of the reduction in new HIV cases in children was thanks to more use of AIDS drug treatment for HIV-positive pregnant women. Coverage rates were above 75 percent in many of the priority countries, it said.

AIDS medicines known as antiretroviral therapy not only improve the health of mothers with the human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) that causes AIDS, but can also prevent HIV from being transmitted to their children.

Botswana and South Africa have reduced mother to child HIV transmission rates to 5 percent or less, according to UNAIDS.

Eric Goosby, global AIDS coordinator for the United States government, called on the international community to “continue working together to see the day when no children are born with HIV, which is within our reach”.

(Editing by Alison Williams)

 

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Citizenship application process simplified for children born in Italy

The newly approved Legislative Decree No. 69/2013 contains an article that simplifies the procedures for acquiring citizenship for children born in Italy of immigrant parents.

Integration Minister Cécile Kyenge strongly pushed for the inclusion of Article 33 which specifically removes the obstacles that prevented many children born here from applying for citizenship.

Under the Decree which already entered into force on 22nd June 2013, children born in Italy of immigrant parents will not be denied a chance of applying for citizenship when they turn 18 because of failures of parents or public administration to carry out certain tasks.

They’ll also be allowed to use several other documents to prove that they have been residing legally and uninterruptedly in the country from birth up to the legal age, should it happen that they were not registered as residents.

At times parents fail to register their children at the Office of the Registrar at their City Council of residence, or they do so late.

Previously children born here were required to submit the historical certificate of residence to prove they had been residing legally and uninterruptedly in the country from birth up to the legal age. Now, in case the historical certificate of residence can’t prove that the children had been living here legally since they were born, they’ll be able to use educational certificates, vaccination certificates or any other medical certificates.

It will therefore be impossible to deny such children citizenship simply because they were not registered as residents.

The Decree also requires the Office of the Registrar at the children’s City Council of residence to notify them when they turn 18 that they can apply for citizenship within their 19th birthday.

Should they fail to do so, the children will be entitled to apply for citizenship even after turning 19 years old. The Decree basically makes it a responsibility of the City Councils to inform the second generation immigrants of their right to apply for citizenship.
By Elvio Pasca

 

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U.S.-NATO installed Libyan regime requests assistance from imperialist military alliance

Massacre in Benghazi illustrates failure of West’s regime-change strategy

by Abayomi Azikiwe

After more than two years of a full-fledged Pentagon and NATO-led war against the North African state of Libya, the installed General National Congress regime is now requesting assistance from their neo-colonial masters. In a press release issued by NATO Secretary General Anders Fogh Rasmussen, the chief of this military alliance of the imperialist world indicated that the Western-backed government in Tripoli had requested assistance on security matters.

First battalion of US-commanded elite force in Libya 1012

In its quest to control Africa with a network of Africom bases throughout Africa, a U.S. trained and commanded elite force was created last fall as the nucleus for a “New Libyan” army. The 500 men of this first battalion must understand American English, the language in which they will be given their orders.

A team of so-called “experts” is expected to leave as soon as possible and report back to NATO by the end of June “so we can decide on the way ahead,” Mr. Fogh Rasmussen said. The NATO official also said that three principles would guide any help NATO provides.According to the statement issued by NATO on June 4, these principles would “include strong Libyan ownership, providing advice in areas where NATO has an expertise, such as building security institutions. And thirdly let me stress this is not about deploying troops to Libya. If we are to engage in training activities, such activities could take place outside Libya,” said the secretary general.

These statements are taking place within the context of a worsening security situation both inside Libya and throughout North and West Africa. The security and social stability of Libya and both regions of Africa are a direct result of Pentagon and NATO military actions beginning in February and March of 2011.

During the course of the imperialist war against Libya, some 26,000 sorties were flown by the U.S., the NATO countries and their allies in the region and 9,600 airstrikes hit the oil-rich state. An arms embargo was imposed by the United Nations Security Council against the Libyan government under Qaddafi, but the Western trained and supported rebels were armed to carry out attacks against supporters of the Jamahiriya, civilians and patriotic forces.

In addition to the U.S. and NATO’s military actions against this country of approximately 7 million people, $US160 billion in Libyan-owned foreign assets were seized by Western banks. Concerted mob violence was leveled against dark-skinned Libyans and Africans from other parts of the continent.

The entire foreign policy and public affairs apparatus of the Western states and their surrogates were mobilized to demonize Libya and its leadership. Corporate media outlets parroted the false claims by the imperialist governments in order to sway public opinion in favor of the war of regime-change against Col. Muammar Qaddafi and his supporters inside the country and internationally.

Consequences of U.S. and NATO’s war against Libya

At present in Libya thousands of Africans and dozens of foreign nationals from Eastern Europe remain in detention by the GNC regime. Seif al-Islam, the son of the martyred former leader Col. Muammar Qaddafi, is imprisoned by a militia group which is, along with the GNC leaders, refusing to turn him over to the International Criminal Court (ICC).

The ICC played a role in the isolation of Libya during 2011 as well. The Hague prosecutors at the time claimed, alongside the imperialists, that human rights violations were carried out by the Jamahiriya under Qaddafi. Consequently, indictments and warrants were issued by the ICC against Qaddafi, Seif al-Islam and other leading patriotic Libyan officials.

Libya rebel flag 'CIA'

The Sept. 11, 2012, attack on the U.S. consulate in Bengazi revealed, according to numerous sources, that it was a cover for major CIA operations.

Today there is a battle taking place between the GNC regime – the ICC was instrumental in creating the conditions for its installation – and the Libyan rebels, who say that they are capable of providing Seif al-Islam with a so-called “fair trial.” Yet if the regime in Libya cannot provide an adequate security situation for ordinary citizens and regime officials, then how will they be able to carry out an impartial judicial proceeding for others who are victims of the current political crises.The NATO leaders, the ICC, as well as select putative “human rights groups” have refrained from commenting and analyzing the disastrous consequences of the imperialist war against Libya. A manifestation of this denial is reflective of the current efforts to extradite Seif al-Islam to The Hague to stand trial within a court system, the ICC, which has been condemned by the African Union (AU) as biased against the leaders and peoples of the continent.

Perhaps the most outrageous statement in regard to the situation in Libya was made by NATO Secretary General Rasmussen when he audaciously said concerning the delegation being sent to the North African state to establish a training program, “I believe this would be a fitting way to continue our cooperation with Libya, after we successfully took action to protect the Libyan people two years ago.”

The situation of the people in Libya is more precarious than it has ever been since the period of colonial war of conquest carried out by Italy between 1911 and 1931 when hundreds of thousands of people were slaughtered by the imperialists and the fascists, who after 1923 were led by Benito Mussolini. Even after the country gained nominal independence under a monarchy in 1951, it would take the Sept. 1 Revolution of 1969 that was led by Col. Qaddafi and the Revolutionary Command Council to unify the state and set it upon a path of development and national reconstruction.

Massacre in Benghazi reflects devolution of Libyan society

On June 8, militia members in Benghazi – which was the birthplace of the counter-revolution against the Jamahiriya in February 2011– massacred demonstrators who were demanding that armed groups terrorizing the population be either arrested or neutralized. There have been disputed reports over the number of people killed and wounded in this latest assault on the Libyan people, but it clearly demonstrates the degree of lawlessness prevailing inside the country.

An article published by the Associated Press reported: “Clashes between protesters and militias aligned with the military in Libya’s eastern city of Benghazi left 27 people killed and dozens wounded, a health official said Sunday. The violence broke out Saturday after protesters stormed a base belonging to Libya Shield, a grouping of militias with roots in the rebel groups that fought in the country’s 2011 civil war who are tasked with maintaining security.”

Tuareg, 2 camels in southern Libya desert 0711

Libya’s South has never been brought under the control of the Pentagon and NATO-backed General National Congress.

Inside Libya, the country’s militias have been attempting to partition the state into three regions in the East, West and South. In a recent law passed by the GNC legislature, former members of the Qaddafi government – even if they had turned against the Jamahiriya in favor of imperialism – were banned from public service.Prior to the announcement by NATO that they would be sending a delegation to Libya, France – which is occupying Mali and spreading its war in West Africa into neighboring Niger – had called for military intervention into the south of Libya. France claims that Libya’s South, which has never been brought under the control of the rebel GNC, is the source of resistance to its military efforts in West Africa.

Developments in Libya and Mali indicate clearly that imperialist intervention in Africa and other geo-political regions of the world will only destabilize these areas and provide rationales for further military occupations. Despite efforts to contain and pacify the peoples of these regions, resistance will escalate and create even deeper crises within the industrialized states already suffering from escalating levels of unemployment, poverty, austerity and political repression.

Abayomi Azikiwe, editor of Pan-African News Wire, can be reached at panafnewswire@gmail.com. Pan-African News Wire, the world’s only international daily pan-African news source, is designed to foster intelligent discussion on the affairs of African people throughout the continent and the world.

 
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Posted by on June 19, 2013 in African News

 

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African Film Enjoys Rare Cannes Outing‘26-Year-Old African-American Is One To Watch’

ABIDJAN, (AFP): African film is enjoying a rare invitation to cinema’s top table with a film by French-Chadian director Mahamat-Saleh Haroun competing for the coveted Palme d’Or, as the continent strives to satisfy an appetite for films made by Africans for Africans. Haroun, who left Chad during the civil war, won plaudits for his autobiographical 1999 film “Bye Bye Africa” and has continued to make films about his homeland despite settling in France more than 30 years ago. His latest film “Grigris” is one of 20 films in the contest for the Palme d’Or. It will be screened on Wednesday at the Cannes Film Festival where he was invited to sit on the jury in 2011. Although the filmmaker won the Cannes jury prize in 2010 for “A Screaming Man”, few Africans will have seen his films at the cinema. Cinemas across the continent have in recent years fallen victim to a combination of lack of investment and the rise of television and DVDs, often pirated, as a preferred form of entertainment. Apart from Nigeria and South Africa, which have their own domestic film industries, the continent suffers from a shortage of homegrown movies. Ivorian actress Emma Lohoues, who scooped best actress awards at two international film festivals for her performance in Owell Brown’s 2010 romantic comedy “Le Mec Ideal”, believes many of the essential ingredients for a successful industry are already in place. “Our cinema has a future with a wave of talented emerging actors and directors,” she told AFP.

“All we need and which is badly missing is the support of the authorities,” she added. Democratic Republic of Congo director Ronnie Kabuika dreams of the day when there might be a state-sponsored infrastructure for the industry in his country, perhaps as part of the ministry of culture. “Those who try to produce things make do with what’s at hand (but) there is no support, no finance,” he said. Many on the continent look with envy at the way films are financed in Morocco, a set-up modelled on the French system. Government funding has made the country the envy of the continent with six million euros ($7.7 million) funding some 25 Moroccan films a year. In Rwanda, it is hoped that a planned film commission will help the country move on from films made by foreigners about the 1994 genocide.


Dare

“We should dare to make films (that look at things) through our own eyes,” said filmmaker Eric Kabera who in 2001 collaborated with British filmmaker Nick Hughes on the first feature film about the genocide.
Movie makers say the success of the Nigerian film industry, known as “Nollywood”, shows that Africa can produce its own films and make a splash in the wider world.
Nigerian actress Omotola Jalade-Ekeinde was recently named by Time magazine as one of its most 100 influential people.
Mostly shot on video and rooted in the hard realities of daily lives blighted by violence and corruption, the films made over the last 20 odd years “have placed Nigeria on the world map and redefined African cinema”, said Nigerian director Mahmood Ali-Balogun.
“Nollywood is worth celebrating. It has done well for Nigeria and Africa…. It has put Nigeria on the world map and redefined African cinema,” he said.
“It is about us, by us and for us…. Nollywood has empowered Nigerians,” he added.

Replaced
Older, poorer quality films known as “microwave” movies were being replaced with better productions, he added. “There is a lot of improvement these days,” he said. The success of “Nollywood” with its hundreds of films produced annually is also notable for the fact that it receives very little support. Despite that the industry was “viable and profitable” with stars that “take the public with them”, added Owell Brown. You may not have seen any of his stuff, but movie insiders predict you soon will. And good parents, American football and mentoring by Hollywood star Forest Whitaker are what gave him his chance. Aged just 26, from a modest background, African-American director Ryan Coogler is being tipped at the Cannes Film Festival as a dazzling new talent. His first feature movie, “Fruitvale Station”, featuring in Cannes’ “Un Certain Regard” competition, touches on a tragic true-life story that occurred in his native San Francisco. It recounts the last 24 hours in the life of a young black man, Oscar Grant, who is shot dead by a cop at a subway station just as he is getting his troubled existence back on track. Riots broke out after the verdict in the policeman’s trial. Filmed on less than a million dollars, the movie made a buzz in January at the Sundance Film Festival, where it won the Grand Jury prize. A bidding war broke out, won by mogul Harvey Weinstein, who is releasing it in the United States in July. “Fruitvale Station” was warmly applauded at its press screening in Cannes, where it is vying for the Golden Camera prize for young talents. Britain’s Guardian newspaper gave the “quietly gripping debut” four out of a maximum five stars.

“I was incredibly fortunate,” the athletically-built young man told AFP in an interview. “(…) It’s more than you can ask for.” Coogler and his little brother were born to a couple who married young and focussed on education to help their rise out of tough neighbourhoods in the Bay Area around San Francisco. “They put us through nice schools,” said Coogler. “We lived in rough neighbourhoods, but we went to nice schools. So I grew up with both those worlds, and for a long time, I didn’t fit in to either.” He didn’t fit into his local neighbourhood because he was a bookworm. Nor did he fit into life at school, because he was poor. “But I started playing sports — and there I fitted in everywhere,” he said. With the help of a football scholarship, he went to a liberal arts school where he started taking classes in film-making. He followed up with a graduate course at the University of Southern California’s School of Cinematic Arts, one of the most prestigious movie schools in the world. There, he cut his teeth with a series of short films about life on the margins, including a piece about a young prostitute’s fight to protect her daughter. The next big break came through Whitaker, who won the 2006 Oscar for best actor as Ugandan tyrant Idi Amin in “The Last King of Scotland”.
“His company was looking for film makers to mentor while I was in film school,” said Coogler.
“For him it’s social issues. Forest is a humanitarian, he does a lot of work in conflict resolution in Africa and the US, so his company was naturally attracted to things that have social relevance. That’s how my name came up.” In their 45-minute first encounter, Coogler sketched his idea for a film that pulls Oscar Grant out of anonymity as yet another crime statistic, and recounts the last 24 hours in his life. “[Whitaker] said, ‘I’m going to help you make that,’ and walked out of the room,” Coogler said. Funding was scraped together from a variety of sources — grants from the San Francisco Film Society and Sundance, and Whitaker himself stumped up more than half. Coogler admitted he was having a hard time coping with all the attention. “I try to focus on the work, otherwise I think my head would probably explode.”

 

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Bangladeshi textile factory collapse: Over 900 dead, Lessons for Africa

Horace G. Campbell

2013-05-09, Issue 629


The kind of tragic exploitation of workers in Bangladesh is present all over Africa, where people are denied basic labour rights as part of state efforts to attract and retain foreign investment. Militant and sustained efforts are needed to resist this trend

INTRODUCTION

With the death toll now over 900 in the wake of the collapse of the textile factory in Bangladesh, there are newspapers and financial newssheets all over the world decrying this event as a ‘disaster’ and the ‘deadliest industrial accidents ever.’ However, the sweatshop conditions for billions of workers around the world along with the absence of occupational safety beg the question: Was this building collapse an ‘accident?’ Why are there no rules relating to the inspection of buildings and building codes in the countries such as China, Bangladesh, Pakistan, India, Tanzania and South Africa? How was it possible for the owners of this ‘establishment’ to continue operations when the safety and structural conditions of the building had been called into question? It is the contention here that this was no accident but the logic of a form of accumulating wealth that placed a premium on profits over human lives. Some have determined that this period is like a second slavery.

In the past 30 years, the drive for super-profits has led corporations to seek conditions where the working peoples have the least protection with no safety regulations at places of work. Buffeted by banks and hedge fund managers who respect no national boundaries, the bottom line for the ‘investors’ takes precedence over human lives. Egged on by institutions such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank, governments in the exploited countries of the world have been outdoing each other to establish areas of intensified exploitation called Export Processing Zones (EPZ). EPZ are sites of production where international capitalists do not have to respect labour laws. The recent fire resulting from an ammonium nitrate explosion at the West Fertilizer Company storage and distribution facility in West, Texas, was another example of worksites where there are no proper controls with respect to occupational safety.

On top of the promotion of these EPZs, the efforts to roll back the basic rights of workers have intensified. Bangladesh is one of those societies where the rights of workers have been trampled upon to make the society attractive to ‘foreign investors.’ One such attraction is to ensure that there are no democratic rights such as the rights of workers to assemble, the right to a living wage or the rights to collective bargaining. During the period of the last capitalist depression, the International Labour Organization (ILO) had campaigned against wage slavery and at the end of the depression and war workers fought to expand their rights and to strengthen collective bargaining agreements and questions of occupational safety. As one form of cover up of these new forms of exploitation, some international nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) write on corporate social responsibility in order to deflect from the growing calls for the protection of workers internationally.

Today, the kind of exploitation that is present in Bangladesh is present all over Africa. In Africa, the role of force in production had denied basic rights to the working people during colonialism. After independence, the politicians aligned with the soldiers to roll back the basic democratic rights of workers. These forms differ in degree from the child labour conditions in mining operations in the Eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo, the use of semi-slave labour on plantations in Cote d’Iviore, the absence of safety and health for workers and ultimately in the use of religion and ethnic differences to divide workers. When these divisive tactics fail, then the companies and their police and security forces shoot workers as was the case of the Marikana mines in South Africa. This column is a statement of solidarity with the working people of Bangladesh and another call to push for global rights, especially the rights of working peoples.

‘UNPRECEDENTED TRAGEDY, ONE OF THE WORST INDUSTRIAL ACCIDENTS IN THE WORLD’

This is the way the newspapers and journalists have sought to depict the actions that led to the collapse of the eight storey building in Dhaka, Bangladesh, on April 24, 2013. According to the BBC, ‘some 700 workers have been killed in factory fires in Bangladesh since 2005. Garment factory collapses in 2005 and 2010 claimed another 79 lives.’ In this building collapse of April 24, there are now over 912 dead with over 2,500 injured in this latest building collapse. There is no clear account of how many persons were in the factory at the time of the collapse of the building because the factory owners have not given precise numbers. It was reported that 2,437 people have been rescued.

There is still a search for more bodies in the wreckage of the eight-story building that was packed with workers at five garment factories. The building was supposed to be a five storey building. It has been reported that the owner illegally added three floors and allowed the garment factories to install heavy machines and generators, even though the structure was not designed to support such equipment. The factories were making clothing bound for major big name brand retailers in North America and Western Europe. Factory owners such that of the Rana Plaza are not unusual. This owner had claimed the building was safe, and the factory owners had ordered workers into the building despite their objections after serious cracks were found in the structure on April 23, the day before the disaster.

The semi-slavery conditions of workers in the garment industry in Bangladesh had been an open secret among ‘international investors.’ For after all, one of the attractions for Bangladesh as a center for the global textile industry was precisely the fact that working conditions were poor. In November 2012, a fire at another garment factory in Bangladesh that made clothes for Wal-Mart and Sears killed 112 people. Supervisors had ordered the coerced workers back to work after the fire alarm sounded, leaving workers trapped in the upper floors. In 2010, 27 people died and more than 100 were injured in a fire in a factory that made clothes for high-street retailer Gap. Next door in Pakistan in 2012 a fire in a factory had killed more than 300 workers. Then the New York Times reported that the Pakistan fire was the worst industrial accident. http://tinyurl.com/8d7t9qt

Yet, in light of this tradition of coercing workers to toil in unsafe conditions the media has called this building collapse an accident. According to the mainstream media, the building collapse was one of the deadliest industrial accidents ever.

TEXTILE WORKERS AND EXPLOITATION

Workers in the garment industry have always been open to super exploitation. It was one of the centers of production where the modern trade union movement emerged to fight for basic industrial rights. The International Ladies’ Garment Workers’ Union (ILGWU) had been one of the largest labour unions in the United States. This union had fought hard for the rights of workers especially after the big garment disaster in New York in 1911, Triangle Shirtwaist factory, which killed 146 workers. One writer who has commented on the recent deaths traced the genealogy of garment manufacturing and the succession of ‘accidents.’ In an article titled “Clothed in Misery,” M. T. Anderson wrote,

‘Similar disasters happened here in the first phase of our national industrialization — the 1878 Washburn mill explosion in Minneapolis, the 1905 Grover Shoe Factory disaster in Brockton, Mass., the 1911 Triangle Shirtwaist Factory fire in Manhattan — but back when New England textile mills were the beating heart of America’s mass-production infancy, the most notorious was the 1860 collapse of the Pemberton Mill in Lawrence, Mass.’ http://tinyurl.com/cnnm6mj

During the last capitalist depression the workers in the United States fought for better wages and better working conditions. By the end of the depression and the end of the war when workers gained confidence, the capitalist moved the factories to areas of the United States where there were no unions. Later when the workers were unionized in other parts of the USA, the owners moved to low wage economies such as Bangladesh, Cambodia, China, Haiti, India, Pakistan and Sri Lanka. US garment manufacturers and textile owners had promoted the Africa Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) to bring African societies into this web of sweat shop production. However, the race to the bottom had been intense with the IMF and World Bank promoting the interests of the big name brand producers of textiles.

The April 24 building collapse is now going in the record book and the way the media is writing about the criminal activities is to divert attention from the alliance between the international garment manufacturers and the local political/comprador elements in Bangladesh. When the press writes about the role of corruption that led to this disaster, the mainstream media tend to deflect attention from the apparel sellers in Europe and North America.

It is against the recent history of the activism of international capital to roll back the rights of workers where it is necessary to locate the actions of the capitalists in Bangladesh. The Rana Plaza complex which was not built as a factory to withstand the vibrations and hectic conditions of producing garments is typical of the thousands of cheaply built, unsafe sweatshops in Bangladesh employing workers at $38 a month to churn out orders for some of the world’s largest corporations. Global conglomerates, including some of the world’s best-known brands, extract 60 to 80 percent profit margins from merchandise made in Bangladesh, by pressing contractors to deliver the lowest possible costs. The garment factories in Bangladesh generate 80 percent of the country’s $24 billion annual exports. Grouped together in the Bangladesh Garment Manufactures & Exporters Association (BGMEA) the Bangladeshi ruling elite operates as a junior partner of international big business such as H&M, JC Penney, C&A, Levi’s, Marks and Spencer, Tesco and Nike. In the aftermath of the fire, the New York Times editorialized that there were only 11 collective bargaining agreements in Bangladesh. Writing under the byline, ‘Another Preventable Tragedy in Bangladesh,’ this leading voice of liberal capitalism lamented,

‘Meanwhile, there are just 11 collective bargaining agreements in the entire country of 150 million people, and there are only a few unions in the clothing industry. Workers who try to form unions are often fired and beaten, sometimes even killed. Last year, a young labor leader, Aminul Islam, was tortured and killed in apparent retaliation for his work organizing garment workers.’ http://tinyurl.com/cwc8orc

Safety regulations are virtually non-existent, and industrial laws routinely flouted. Bangladesh’s labour ministry reportedly employs just 18 inspectors to monitor conditions in more than 100,000 factories in Dhaka.

SHODDY WORKPLACE AND RIGHTS OF WORKERS EVERYWHERE

What the leading newspapers of the world have neglected to say clearly is that the conditions of the workers in Bangladesh have been the direct result of the new form of sweatshop conditions internationally. The Bangladesh Garment Manufactures & Exporters Association (BGMEA) emerged as a force within the competitive race to move the production of garments to this poor and exploited society. In this race to the bottom, Bangladesh had risen to be the world’s second largest garment producer, behind China, by giving international investors and their local comprador allies a free hand. As in the early industrial era in the United States when poor rural women were lured to these factories, today, there are an estimated 4 million garment workers, mostly women who toil in conditions that were supposed to have been left behind at the end of the last war and depression..

At that historical moment, the ILO was one of the more well-known international organizations as it fought for the rights of workers internationally to ensure an end to poverty level wages and semi slavery working conditions. Since its creation in 1919, the ILO adopted 184 Conventions that establish standards for a range of workplace issues. Today very few workers are aware of these Conventions because the discourses about corporate social responsibility turn the rights of workers into the arbitrary philanthropic actions employers. This philanthropic based approach to the rights of workers finds its echo in the financing of international non-governmental organizations to focus on micro credit schemes or other efforts that does not document the sweat shop conditions Since the era of Thatcherism when there was a total assault on the rights of workers, questions of health and safety of workers have been replaced by the canard of corporate social responsibility. It is not by accident that even in the advanced capitalist countries one of the fundamental battles today is to retain the rights of workers to defend their standard of living. It is not enough for the top media to lament that ‘the severity and frequency of these disasters are an indictment of global clothing brands and retailers like.’

LESSONS FOR THE AFRICAN WORKERS

Throughout Africa, capitalists have campaigned to roll back the rights of workers. One can measure the extent of undemocratic practices in a society in relation to the amount of rights that have been retained by the working people. The present invasion of Africa by big and small capitalists has left shoddy buildings and poor conditions everywhere. One month before the building collapse in Bangladesh, there was a building collapse, one of the many such collapse in places such as Nigeria, Kenya and Tanzania. The construction boom in Africa has been taking place in a context where building codes are routinely ignored.

Western democracy experts have focused on narrow issues of elections and parliaments without a concomitant analysis of the extent of the erosion of rights of working peoples. The removal of basic safety and security of workers in order to attract ‘investors’ is part of the current political process promoted heavily by the World Bank. The more brutal dictators such as Mobutu Sese Seko simply used troops to shoot workers. In the aftermath of this form of wanton killings, militias have moved in to ensure that mining operations in the Congo are never placed in a situation where the miners have the basic rights for good pay and safety. Just as in the mines, so it is in the plantations where child labour has returned and the questions of occupational health deleted from negotiations.

Capitalist from all corners of the world from Japan and China in the East to the USA and Brazil with the Europeans full of experience salivate on the super profits to be reaped from the situation in Africa where there is a young work force without the protection of the state. The young people of Egypt had worked with the April 6 movement to fight for better conditions for Egyptian workers and it is this struggle of the Egyptian workers that precipitated the revolutionary upsurge which is still lingering in Egypt.

International capitalists are afraid of the kind of political mobilizing in Africa that educated the Egyptian population, hence the new pressures to present religion and religious allegiances to blunt discussion of the conditions of workers. The Bangladesh building collapse brings back the question of the rights of workers in all parts of the world. Western European planners, in the face of the stirring from below, seek to bring discourse about corporate social responsibility, but as the workers in the Niger Delta has testified, companies such as Shell Oil are adept at playing the game of using the language of corporate social responsibility while working with the military and private military contractors to police workers.

The experiences of removing the conditions of safety and collective bargaining for workers in Africa and Bangladesh have found their way back to the United States where the capitalists have been emboldened to embark on a massive campaign to strip workers of their rights. This blowback can be seen with the public struggles over collective bargaining and absence of safety conditions in establishments. The most recent example of the massive explosion and fire at the West Fertilizer Plant is but one of the most graphic examples where the owners had pushed for ‘Exemption’ From Safety Rules and Targeted Workplace Inspections. Over the years the OSHA had cited the West Fertilizer Plant for violations of respiratory protection standards, but did not issue fines. This is because the OHSA has been disempowered in the era of neo-liberalism. These capitalists have been pushing for exemptions in Africa and the experience of this fire that killed 15 persons in April exposed US citizens to the raging fires and unsafe conditions at industrial and oil producing sites all over Africa. According to a report in the Huffington Post, ‘By claiming the exemption, the company became subject to other, less stringent requirements and avoided certain OSHA and Environmental Protection Agency rules.’

It is these less stringent rules that have applied all over the world of poor workers so that today most students do not know what OHSA stands for. The Occupational Safety and Health Administration Is that body which is supposed to inspect establishments to guarantee that the conditions of work are safe for those toiling in the place of production. In the aftermath of this fire that killed 15 persons and displaced an entire city, readers understood that the OHSA had last inspected the plant in 1985.

This kind of exemption which has been adopted by capitalists whether from China or the USA dictates that there should be stringent international standards about workers at places where there are dangerous chemicals and toxins. In every part of the world of the poor, one can see conditions where there are no rules relating to the protection of the environment. This writer is challenging the young in NGO community to refocus on the rights of the working people to build a new politics.

SOLIDARITY ACROSS BORDERS

Workers all across Africa and their supporters who share a sense of solidarity are pushing for the removal of the politicians and corporate elements that align with foreign capitalists to establish sweat shop conditions. At the moment of decolonization one of the most militant fronts had been the working poor. It is this history of organization of the workers that has to be brought back so that the struggles of the African workers are linked to the struggles of the workers in Bangladesh, China and India. The renewed campaign of the workers in Africa can now in the short run link up with workers in Brazil, India and China. As one component of the BRICS framework, there has been the establishment of a forum to support the closer relationship between workers in the BRICS societies. African workers, especially the workers of the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) have the necessary social weight to be able to challenge the capitalists in South Africa as well as to be a major force in this forum of trade unions from the Federative Republic of Brazil, The Russian Federation, the Republic of India, the People’s Republic of China and the Republic of South Africa. This BRICS forum of workers has the capability of organizing within a framework of more than 200 million organized workers. This framework must be strengthened by the day to day struggles to ensure that the kind of accident that took place in Bangladesh is a matter of history.

As long as this criminal action is presented as an ‘accident’ and a tragedy, then those who profit from the sweatshop conditions will shed crocodile tears about the loss of lives. Militant and sustained actions to defend the global rights of workers are now on the agenda internationally. The All African Trade Union Centers and COSATU should be in the forefront of pressing the ILO to mount a clear investigation with the results being released to all parts of the world. It is only vigilance and aggressive networking internationally that will ensure that the Bangladeshi government and manufacturers do not simply make cosmetic changes to safety and building standards.

* Horace Campbell teaches at Syracuse University in New York. He is the author of Global NATO and the Catastrophic Failure in Libya published by Monthly Review Press, New York and distributed in the UK by Pambazuka press.

 

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Using education to sustain Africa’s growth

By JOHN FALLON

The World Economic Forum’s Global Competitiveness Report tells us that sustained economic growth across Africa is due, at least in part, to institutional reforms in the health and primary education sectors.

Education increases economic growth, helps families and communities to prosper, and empowers people to gain employment and live healthier, more fulfilling lives. In the 21st century global economy, a well-educated and skilled workforce is critical for countries and companies to thrive. That is why we should all be concerned that many parts of Africa continue to suffer from high levels of unemployment and chronic skills shortages. So, how the global community frames a post-2015 development goal on education will have a real impact in sustaining GDP growth across Africa.

There has been substantial progress in improving access to education – 39 million more children are now in school and enrolment rates have improved to over 80 percent. However, what really matters is that once inside the classroom, children learn the literacy, numeracy and life skills that will enable them to succeed throughout childhood and as adults. If 10 million children in sub-Saharan Africa drop out of primary school every year, and 40 percent of African children leave school illiterate, we cannot claim that the current Millennium Development Goal on access to primary schooling has been enough.

Therefore, a post-2015 education goal must focus on learning outcomes as well as access, prioritising not just enrolment and completion numbers, but also longer-term school progress and student achievement. Measuring learning outcomes is no easy task, but it is essential to improving the quality of global education.

Since mid-2012, Pearson has co-chaired (with UNICEF and Pratham) the Learning Metrics Task Force, which brings together 30 different organisations from around the world to make sure that the post-2015 goals include a focus on learning. In consultation with experts from across the education and development communities, the Task Force is working to build consensus on global measures and practical actions for delivering progress on learning.

The Task Force has identified six areas for measurement spanning early childhood, primary school and secondary school. In my view these could be brought together as targets under a post-2015 education goal, articulated along the following lines: all children should  receive a quality education with good learning outcomes – in order to become active global citizens and secure meaningful employment.

Setting a goal, of course, is one thing; delivering on it is what really counts. To resolve the learning crisis and bridge the financing gap of $26bn that UNESCO says is required to meet existing education targets, governments and the private sector must step up investments in education.

Companies can support initiatives such as the Global Business Coalition for Education (Pearson is a founding member), the Global Partnership for Education (for which we represent the private sector on the Board), and the Global Education First campaign, which all mobilise the collective expertise, efforts, and resources of multiple actors to achieve greater scale and impact on joint education priorities.

Business, with its capacity to move quickly, try new approaches and then scale successful innovations, can often take risks that other actors cannot afford to make. In 2012, for example, Pearson launched the Pearson Affordable Learning Fund, which makes minority equity investments in private companies committed to improving access to quality education for the poorest families in the world through innovative approaches.

This does not diminish the need to ensure public funding is spent more efficiently and effectively, and with more accountability. Pearson is also working with academics, practitioners and policymakers on data collection and analysis to deepen our collective knowledge. We need to open up the ‘black box’ of education data to understand what really drives learning outcomes, in order to help teachers and policymakers base their work on evidence.

Education and learning do not occur in a vacuum, of course. A child who is sick, hungry, or malnourished will have a hard time learning at school. But education can lead to better healthcare and nutrition, declining birth rates and poverty reduction. A child born to a mother who can read is 50 percent more likely to survive past the age of five. Therefore, any post-2015 education goal should recognise the interdependencies between education and other development goals.

John Fallon is the CEO of Pearson

 
 

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Development finance in Africa

NOT long ago, the lion’s share of official aid to poor countries was provided by rich Western governments that carefully report what they give and to whom. But recent years have seen a rapid increase in aid from non-Western sources that do not always prioritise transparency. A new working paper from the Centre for Global Development (CGD) attempts to gauge aid flows to Africa from China, one of the more opaque givers. In the absence of comprehensive official figures, the CGD compiled a database using open-source media reports. It says that China committed $75 billion in aid between 2000 and 2011, almost as much as America ($90 billion) and nearly a fifth of the total flows reported by Western governments. Two of the largest identifiable categories, by value, were transport and energy, which could fuel suspicions that China’s provision of aid is aimed at securing natural resources. But the counter-argument holds that Chinese aid, which focuses on overlooked areas like infrastructure, rather than education or health, is actually complementary to the West’s.

 
 

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Africa is not a country

An open letter to the Cultural Foundation of the Federal Republic of Germany

Safia Dickersbach

2013-05-02, Issue 628


How can the German Federal Cultural Foundation believe that 2 million Euros will promote cultural relations with the whole continent of Africa (and not even involve the Africans in the process)?

The cultural foundation of the Federal Republic of Germany, the Kulturstiftung des Bundes, decided to initiate a new thematic focus in its sponsorship work. The programme is called TURN and – as explained in the introductory statement – it is supposed to deal with ‘Africa’. Although there are certainly good intentions behind this new initiative, the information published about this programme on the website of the ‘Kulturstiftung’ and the funding guidelines which were recently released raise more questions than answers. I want to share some of my anger and disappointment with you as follows:

1. ‘TURN’ is supposedly dedicated to foster ‘German-African cultural relations’. Without a doubt a cultural exchange is necessary to develop mutual understanding and communication. As opposed to Germany, Africa is not one country, but rather a whole continent consisting of more than 50 individual countries. The Kulturstiftung apparently considers all those countries to be culturally homogenous enough to be able to entertain coherent ‘cultural relations’ with Germany. Could it be that the people at the Kulturstiftung are talking about 50 different relationships between Germany and the individual African countries? But then wouldn’t it seem a bit ambitious to have a jury of three people make decisions involving an entire continent, 50 countries and more than 2000 languages together with the cultures and customs connected to them? Are the three jury members familiar enough with all these countries to fully comprehend their different cultures and languages? And what do these three jury members know about the currently developing new arts and culture scenes on the huge African continent?

2. The budget the Kulturstiftung considers to be sufficient enough to achieve all those goals (see No. 1 above) is a modest 2 million EUR. This is not a joke. The exhibition ‘Who knows tomorrow’ alone which took place in Berlin and showed the works of solely five (!) African artists had a budget of 900,000 EUR. It is ironic to call the provision of 2 million EUR for projects that are supposed to last until 2015 and cover a whole continent a ‘thematic focus’. Especially so if it is a focus of a foundation of the German federal government. Compared with the overall budget of the Federal Republic’s state secretary for culture of over 1 billion EUR per year which includes the budget of the German Federal Cultural Foundation, the money which is designated for the TURN – Africa project is nothing more than small change. With such a tiny budget would it then not be more honest and realistic to focus the activities on a few African countries or a specific region of the continent?

3. The Kulturstiftung claims to support the new African initiatives in the area of contemporary and innovative art. But on the other hand:

a. Africans are not allowed to apply for the funds directly.

b. The African partners are only allowed to apply together with an institutional partner in Germany. The funding guidelines reveal the reason to this: ‘The German partner, as the project coordinator, has to assume responsibility for ensuring that all funds are expended as contractually agreed upon with the Federal Cultural Foundation.’ In other, simpler, words: The Africans are not trustworthy. Basically the funding guidelines tell the other side of a prospective cultural exchange in a roundabout way what in blunt words would be: Sorry, but we cannot trust you, the German art and culture institutions have to first discover you, choose you and then they have to be the lead partner in the exchange, because with bookkeeping we have to rely on the German side.

c. There is no mechanism that guarantees an adequate representation of the different African points of view.

d. No information about the sponsorship scheme has been published in African countries. At least the funding guidelines have been recently made available in English. But French, Portuguese and Arabic translations have yet to appear and it is not that we are asking for Kiswahili, Yoruba, Chichewa, Ovambo, Hausa, Kinyarwanda and Shona, just to mention a few.

e. How exactly does the Kulturstiftung want to prevent the fact that essentially it yet again reflects the German point of view of what is artistically relevant in Africa? Because this is what happens when only German institutions are allowed to apply for funding and no African artist or art collective nor any creative community from Africa has been informed and enabled to apply for funds themselves? If only the German viewpoint counts, why does Kulturstiftung even mention the so-called ‘cultural exchange’? This approach reminds me very much of the paternalistic attitude which characterized the way Europeans dealt with Africans in former centuries. Do the African countries still want to be treated like this? The attitude transmitted by the funding guidelines and the structure of the TURN programme seems to be the consequence of profound prejudices and can only be considered by the African side as completely disrespectful.

f. What is the role and position of the ‘new developments and initiatives’ in Africa which Kulturstiftung emphasizes, if solely the German institutions are allowed to decide whom they choose as their African cooperation partner? Basically, with this strategy Kulturstiftung cements the current dominance of Western/European art professionals being the decision-makers in regards to what is accepted as significant or important African art. If this is not an expression of a hegemonial approach in cultural affairs then what is?

g. When Kulturstiftung writes on its website that ‘the programme will primarily provide German institutions and artists incentives to enhance their profiles with new themes, working methods and perspectives’, it sounds as if fresh African ideas and innovations are exploited as new inspirations to rejuvenate the cultural scene in Germany instead of promoting equitable cultural cooperation between Germany and the different African countries. Why do those German institutions not just exhibit or present the best of what Africa has to offer in the same way as they would do in their regular programmes in case of an artist from France or the U.S. without talking about profile-enhancement with new working methods?

h. It seems that the theme ‘Africa’ has been misused to cast a favourable light on the work of the German Federal Cultural Foundation in its 10th anniversary year 2012 which was celebrated in June 2012 with Chancellor Angela Merkel joining the festivities. The Kulturstiftung’s TURN project – different from what they made it sound in their initial press and media campaign – is not so much about strengthening the institutions for artistic and cultural projects in African countries, but it is rather about fostering the German art and culture scene. This truth has been revealed when a TURN jury member conceded in a comment on Facebook: ‘They’ve also said that the fund is about the ‘German institutional art-and-culture-scene’ and not about ‘supporting African contemporary art institutions’, but I’ll leave them to clarify that.’ What does this statement mean in the end? It proves that the marketing campaign which was centred upon a ‘new focus on Africa’ was actually misleading to the German public, the taxpayers whose money the Kulturstiftung is using and the political decision-makers who decide about the Kulturstiftung’s budget.

What is exactly the misleading element? As a headline to the presentation the German Kulturstiftung states that their goal is to promote German-African relations in arts and culture. But from comments like the one above we now know that the intention of the program is rather to invigorate and vitalize the German institutional art-and-culture scene and less to strengthen African contemporary art institutions. But then the program should have been better called something like ‘Advancement of the internationalization of the German art and culture scene through cooperation with artists from African countries’ instead of creating the impression of a big new policy focus of ‘German-African cooperation’ in cultural affairs.

i. Out of the five institutions which Kulturstiftung mentions in its TURN concept as an example of new artistic developments in African countries two are managed, founded or directed by curators who indeed have an African origin, but were raised and/or professionally assimilated in the West. Of course, there is nothing bad about being educated abroad and obtaining a broader professional horizon. On the other hand, one has to be aware that these so-called diaspora curators are often criticized by artists who are still based and working on the African continent for exerting an undue influence on defining what is internationally accepted as relevant contemporary African art to the detriment of local art scenes and communities in Africa.

Local artists complain that those art spaces are usually not exhibiting art which is accepted and appreciated in their home countries and in the communities in the vicinity of these institutions. Instead they select artists whom they consider to be in line with the international trend in order to satisfy the expectations or requirements of their Western backers and sponsors or to become critically acclaimed in the West. Some artists claim that the activities of those art spaces and their exhibitions often demonstrate experimental and almost compulsively pretentious art which is not enrooted in the countries where those institutions are located. While there might be some envy and competitive resentment in such remarks and an objective judgment on the quality of art is an oxymoron, it is at least questionable to present experimental art like installations and video art as important African art in a cultural setting in which visually strong and historically acknowledged art forms like painting and sculpturing still have to overcome significant obstacles in order to be viable as a part of the cultural life. The problem is not whether contemporary art forms like video art and installations should or should not be part of an artistic programme, rather whether such art should be presented as the currently (only) representative and significant kind of contemporary African art in spite of the fact that in most of the African countries there are sophisticated art works of the last 10 to 20 years which are simply ignored by the international art establishment until now.

j. Whether the ‘new African institutions’ actually work ‘outside the public funding system’ as Kulturstiftung claims on its website seems dubious. Those institutions will hardly get funding from their home countries, but rather from Western and European sources, be it state-sponsored development aid or money from private foundations. Does this statement yet again highlight deficits in information about the state of art life and institutions in Africa?

k. Another aspect of this doubtful approach is the selection of the jury which seems to be totally miscast. The only African on the jury, Nana Oforiatta Ayim, according to information given by her, was born in Germany to Ghanaian parents, studied in England and Russia and is currently based and works in Germany, the United Kingdom and Ghana. Besides the fact that the internet reveals an awkward variety of birth dates and places for her, jumping between Africa and Europe back and forth according to project-related suitability (born in 1976 according to information of the African Film Festival of Milan, born in 1977 according to information of the Nigerian Invisible Borders Trans-African Photographic Initiative and born in 1980 in Accra according to information of OCA / The Office for Contemporary Art Norway, all in all a rather confusing and embarrassing biographical hotchpotch which puts her credibility as the ‘African representative’ into question), she is at least due to her upbringing and education subconsciously as ‘Western’ in her attitudes and points of views as the theatre-director Sandro Lunin from Switzerland and the Bavarian-based journalist and deejay Jay Rutledge. Why didn’t the German Federal Cultural Foundation choose at least one if not a handful of additional art and culture professionals who have spent most of their life living and working in Africa as jury members? Somebody who is not in one way or the other connected to the Western or (Eurocentric) ‘international’ art scene and its somewhat specific understanding and particular taste of contemporary art? Why is there not at least one genuinely African artist or art professional to complement the jury who makes sure that the African perspective on art is taken into account and Africa’s artistic vision is positioned well?

4. The Kulturstiftung also sponsors research projects. In the presentation of TURN there is so much talk about cooperation and exchange between German art institutions and their counterparts from Africa that it was somewhat surprising to see that an additional programme is needed within the TURN fund to promote research projects. If this is a concession of the lack of knowledge about the African art scene and of cultural misunderstandings, then wouldn’t it be better to support more than 10 research projects with 9,000 EUR each? Actually, a much bigger share of the budget should have been made available for such fact-finding missions. The harsh reality that essentially more research is needed to enable a successful cultural exchange appears almost like a Freudian slip in the rhetoric about promoting German-African cultural relations.

In any case, these research missions actually might enable German institutions to thoroughly explore contemporary and emerging art and culture in African countries, as opposed to the blind following of the conventional wisdom of the established circle of Western-educated art professionals and curators. This would be an opportunity to critically reflect on the dominance of the Western-influenced art scene and its particular agenda in the perception and global acceptance of African art. Curiously enough Kulturstiftung mentions the ‘cultural exchange’ between the five African art institutions which it considers to be progressive and the ‘Afro-diaspora communities’ worldwide. Mentioning this kind of an ‘exchange’ might be a euphemism for a connection which – as mentioned above – is sometimes criticized for solidifying the influence of Western diaspora communities and artists on the international discourse in regards to what kind of art should be considered worthwhile and exhibited as relevant contemporary African art. An exchange which too often silences and drowns out the voices of the local artists and creative communities based in Africa. Why do we not let the African art communities decide for themselves which kind of art should be considered as the benchmark of contemporary art from Africa today? Would it not be a sign of mutual respect and intercultural understanding?

5. The final remark in the funding guidelines speaks for itself: The Kulturstiftung recommends to its applicants to regularly follow up on the travel warnings of the Auswärtiges Amt (Foreign Office) relating to African countries. Maybe it would have been wiser (and not only more appropriate with regard to the available funds) to focus the whole effort on a limited number of countries which would not actually be on the Auswärtiges Amt travellers’ ‘black list’.

All this leads to a question: Does ‘TURN’ really ‘revolutionize’ the hegemonial treatment of the value and quality of African traditions and idiosyncrasies by the European art establishment which we have observed for too long? Will the time come when numerous diverse art scenes, creative communities and cultural circles on the African continent finally be taken seriously and treated as an equal, a partner that has an opinion – a voice that must be heard?

6. What does the Kulturstiftung, the German Federal Cultural Foundation, say about all this: Dr. Uta Schnell who runs the TURN programme claimed in a statement which she emailed to me that the Kulturstiftung ‘unfortunately is limited by statutory and administrative possibilities’, so that it could not ‘take into account all suggestions it might have desired’. I am wondering whether those statutory and administrative restrictions are a consequence of the same subtle prejudices and patronizing attitudes which characterize the whole structure of TURN and its funding requirements and which we believed to have been buried for long in the past of European-African interconnections. Maybe not without reason Uta Schnell did not answer me any more when I asked her what exactly those ‘statutory and administrative’ obstacles were and what changes they prevented which the German Federal Cultural Foundation would have desired to make. It is a sad experience that a serious Western institution recognizes severe deficits in its programme, but then gives in to unclear administrative regulations instead of fighting for an immediate modification of the programme and a removal of its problematic parts.

A cultural exchange requires respect for your cooperation partners and dealing with them at eye level; these basic principles seem to be completely ignored by the structure and funding requirements of TURN although you would expect them to be observed first and foremost in an arts and culture related programme. If already the elite circles of the art world in Europe deal with an easy element of arts and culture policy like that, what does this reveal about the way the political decision-makers will act when it comes to shaping the really relevant policy actions for dealing with Africa in foreign policy, development aid and other questions of human survival?

* This text was first published on October 1st, 2012, and was last updated on April 1st, 2013.
* Africa Is Not A Country – Blog: http://bit.ly/XzGTcn
* Africa Is Not A Country – Facebook page: http://on.fb.me/11cUk5B
* Twitter: https://twitter.com/ArtsSafia

* Safia Dickersbach is an art market practitioner, born in Dar-es-Salaam, Tanzania, currently based in Berlin, Germany, and is the Public Relations Director of Artfacts.Net, a British company which is the leading online database for modern and contemporary art.

 

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Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie: Writer Focuses On Nigeria’s Present For Latest Novel

 

by Associated Press

chimamanda new novel

LAGOS, Nigeria — The traffic is there, grinding life to a halt as the middle class pound out messages on BlackBerry mobile phones and worry about Facebook. The heat, the sweat, and the daily tragedy of unclaimed bodies lying alongside roadways, passers-by hurrying past for fear of someone else’s misfortune becoming entangled in their own.

This is modern life in Nigeria’s largest city, Lagos, which becomes almost a character americanahof its own in novelist Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie’s(pictured) new book, “Americanah” (pictured at right). And within its pages, one catches self-acknowledged glimpses of the writer herself, who shot to fame with her previous love story set during Nigeria’s civil war called “Half of a Yellow Sun.”

As that book is being made into a movie, more international attention will focus on Adichie, part of a raft of new Nigerian writers finding acclaim after years of military-induced slumber in a nation with a rich literary history. Yet Adichie, like her new book’s heroine, finds herself straddled between a life in the United States and one in Nigeria, where even seemingly innocuous comments on hair care and wigs can stir resentment.

“I’m writing about where I care about and I deeply, deeply care about Nigeria,” Adichie told the Associated Press. “Nigeria is the country that most infuriates me and it is the country I love the most. I think when you’re emotionally invested in a place as a storyteller, it becomes organic.”

That sense of place runs throughout “Americanah,” — make sure to stress the fourth syllable, says the daughter of a university professor and a university registrar. It’s a term people use to describe the accents carried by some of the Nigerians now returning in droves to the country after it embraced an uneasy democracy after years of military rule. While oil and gas money continues to flow and other business opportunities abound, the nation’s universities now sit in shambles, graduating more unqualified students than can be offered jobs.

That intellectual dulling has been challenged by a host of new writers, many of whom like Adichie live almost double lives abroad.

“She is part of the pack of novelists who have, after what you might call the two decades of silence, who have helped to tell Nigerian stories to the whole world again,” writer Tolu Ogunlesi said. “It was the dictatorships and all that’s associated with them. … The ’80s and ’90s were dark ages of sorts for Nigeria.”

It’s that period where “Americanah” finds its beginning. Though dismissing the idea of being a “dutiful daughter of literary conventions,” Adichie’s new novel takes root in the vagaries and murmured promises of a love story like much of her other work. It also focuses largely on the slim percentage of Nigerians able to afford diesel generators in a country largely without electricity and who look at the poor through the chilled air and tinted-glass windows of luxury SUVs.

Despite that, her writing hits a nerve with Nigerian readers who identify with the descriptions of church worship services focused on getting foreign visas and the nervous wives of rich men in a nation notorious for philandering. Adichie describes herself as looking “at the world through Nigerian eyes,” but she doesn’t hold back on criticizing its culture that fosters widespread government corruption. Or what she perceives as the excessive, neutered politeness of “political-correct language” in the United States.

“Nigeria wasn’t set up to succeed, but the extent of its failure is ours. It’s our responsibility,” she said. “This country is full of so many intelligent people, so much energy, so much potential, so why are we here?”

That kind of truth telling isn’t exactly welcome, even in a democratic Nigeria. Speaking Saturday night at a book signing, Adichie drew laughter and a few nervous looks from organizers by describing President Goodluck Jonathan as “not a bad guy, he just seems like he’s floundering and has no clue.”

It also leads to comparisons some make between Adichie and late author Chinua Achebewho died in March at age 82. Both come from the Igbo people of Nigeria’s southeast and Achebe’s own praise of Adichie graces the cover of her new novel in Nigeria. Adichie said the rise of new writers served as a testament to the power of Achebe’s writings and the works of others.

“I think there’s just this wonderful flowering that’s happening,” she said.

Even more controversial, it seems, have been Adichie’s comments on natural hair in Nigeria, where many spend huge sums of money on straight-banged wigs and weaves known as Indian hair. An online commenter on Twitter asserted that Adichie, whose natural hair sits in buns atop her head, said that those wearing weaves were insecure, sparking controversy. Adichie herself ended up responding to the criticism and gave a recent audience advice on finding hair conditioners with no sulfates.

“It’s only Black women for whom an entire industry exists, which is geared toward specifically making sure that the hair that grows on their head looks different,” she said. “I want natural black hair to be an equally valid option, not something interesting, not something you do when you’re a jazz musician, but something you can do when you’re a lawyer in a fancy firm in New York City or if you’re a politician in Abuja,” Nigeria’s capital.

That, however, still remains a challenge. Adichie acknowledged it herself by pausing, and then adding: “My mother doesn’t like my hair like that. She is still praying.”

 

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A lethal cocktail for Africa: Religious extremism, endemic corruption and bad governance; but now NGOs too!

Abdul Ghelleh

2013-04-29, Issue 627

The overwhelming majority of non-governmental organisations do more harm than good to livelihoods and sustainable developments in Africa

The World Bank’s working definition of non-governmental organisations (NGOs) is ‘Private organizations that pursue activities to relieve suffering, promote the interests of the poor, protect the environment, provide basic social services or undertake community development.’ But many people now ask whether the NGOs that work in Africa are progressively engaged in activities that are developmentally sustainable. And, by the way, how democratic and accountable are the NGOs?

Here in Kenya, it looks as though most Kenyan middle class individuals, and their regional counterparts who live in Nairobi, have their own non-governmental organizations or are partners in NGOs with others. Interestingly, Kenya’s capital, Nairobi, is the base for this huge, unregulated and unaccountable industry that, when looking at its surface, seems to have a supporting role for the local economy, human rights advocacy and governance programmes. Nairobi is the NGOs’ capital in Africa.

I came to the conclusion, however, that the overwhelming majority of NGOs do more harm than good to livelihoods and sustainable developments in Africa. Here is my charge sheet: NGOs artificially sustain a false economy whereby they push huge amounts of cash into the pockets of corrupted local African partners while taking most of the cash back to their private bank accounts in Europe and elsewhere. Yes, they do pay the salaries of a few people here and there who support their families. But that’s not my point. The NGOs actually work against homegrown developmental strategies in Africa. The NGO operatives don’t want the recycling of aid operations—which creates chronic dependency and corruption within the receiving societies—to end. For example, NGOs are not prepared to cede some power or train local people to take over in the future, and they don’t give the confidence necessary to carry out their work to local government personnel of the countries that they operate in. Africans have the experience and the expertise to own the operations of the NGOs, but actually the foreign bosses of the NGOs want to retain power in order to continue the dependency culture that they have created.

In Kenya, the number of the NGOs in Nairobi had surpassed the capacity of the Kenyan government departments. If you stop at a traffic junction in downtown Nairobi for a moment, you’ll spot a specially number-plated NGO’s 4X4, clearly marked on the side with the logo of the NGO that owns it or a partnership logo with a government department, every few seconds. This is true. And you may find out more if you ask anyone who lives in Nairobi. When a European colleague and I recently took the steps of a first floor coffee shop at Yaya centre in Nairobi, he whispered in my ear and said, ‘This is where they cook Somalia.’ He was referring to the mixture of Europeans and Africans at most of the tables we passed.

Leaving that mall later that evening, we waited for our taxi for nearly an hour because the car parking lot was full and the road leading to the centre was choking with traffic. I confirmed my colleague’s statement when I later met a couple of NGO reps at Yaya centre. It’s the same story in every other Western-style shopping centre throughout Nairobi. Perhaps they do cook Somalia at Yaya, and Congo at the Junction Mall! I have lived in Nairobi since October of last year, and I have seen more than my fair share of NGOs’ actual activities in this region.

Sexual freedom, women’s rights, child soldiers, judicial reform, and what they call ‘good’ or ‘better governance’ are the areas they concentrate on most of their efforts, and these kinds of NGOs are plentiful here in Nairobi. However, you wonder: how can they empower women or protect the rights of the child in Africa if they keep corrupting the very institutions that are meant to carry out the necessary support systems? Christian and Muslim NGOs are here too. But unlike conventional NGOs, the religious charities also compete relentlessly among themselves for the hearts and minds of Africa’s poor. ‘Read the bible or the Koran and we will dig water wells for your community’ is their main policy objective. Religion-based NGOs, however, are far more active in helping alleviate the short and medium term needs of their target populations, building matchbox-sized schools for villages or bringing a few mattresses to hospitals there.

Much of the operations of Wilson Airport, Nairobi’s second airport, are NGO-related. Tens of light aircrafts take off from this airport for destinations across East and Central Africa every day. Daily flights depart for Kinshasa, Kisangani, Juba (South Sudan), Mogadishu, Kigali and Hargeisa, most of the time carrying a few NGO executives who fly twice a week from Wilson to sign yet other non-existent projects with local leaders of their destinations.

And it’s not only the local African populations that receive the brunt of NGOs’ onslaught; ethical journalism is a victim too. Upon arrival in the continent, NGO reps and journalists link up much quicker than other professional expats because they depend on each other in the rough terrain of Africa. It makes business sense too, more corrupting business that is. NGOs are the first to find an African tragedy. Then, they call their journalist colleagues in on their phones, and upon arrival they provide with them handy 4X4s, complete with experienced drivers and armed bodyguards. To return the favour, journalists beam harrowing stories of death and destruction to Western prime time television.

In fact, journalists are encouraged to travel on the NGOs’ chartered planes for free, and in return for their hospitality, NGO executives ask the journalists to bring graphic pictures and exaggerated stories of the local situation back with them, ready for consumption in Western capitals for more donations.

The NGOs have unlimited powers here in Africa and they are unaccountable to any other authority. In Kenya, South Sudan and Uganda, for example, NGOs act as something more or less similar to coalition governments. But in Somalia and the Congo, they effectively run the whole country. African ministers are powerless against the NGOs and are scared of them for fear of being deprived of future funds, or they may have already been corrupted by them so the NGOs have the upper hand all the time. I heard a firsthand account of a Somali minister begging an NGO executive for extra subsistence allowance from his hotel room while the plane taking him back to Mogadishu was being repaired.

NGO operatives often resist the calls for relocations closer to epic centres of their operations, like setting up shops in various towns across Somalia and the Congo. Earlier this year, the UN agencies issued directives to partner organisations to relocate their staff to Somalia by May 2013. To my knowledge so far, none of them had done so. Almost all of the NGOs that have activities in Somalia, South Sudan and the Congo are based in Nairobi and do not wish, apart from periodical visits, to base themselves in the country of their operations. Simply put, it’s not comfortable enough for them to live there. You’d have thought that the safety of their personnel is their main priority, but the stories I am discovering are doubtful and suggest otherwise.

Early last month while I was returning from Djibouti, I met a Norwegian aid worker at Addis Ababa Airport. We were both transiting at Addis on our way to Nairobi. I asked where he was coming from. ‘Hargeisa,’ was his reply. The British government had earlier that week issued a warning of a credible terrorism-related activity in Somaliland. Without my prompting, he added, ‘Bloody UK Foreign Office, many people were leaving Hargeisa.’ He told me that he and his family live in Nairobi, and that his children attend private schools there. I asked about the operations of his organisation in Somaliland. ‘On my part, nothing much really,’ and he went on, ‘I just visit Hargeisa once in every three months, and Garoowe twice a year, simply to check the boys and girls there.’ There is no way to verify this story as people often misrepresent themselves in a volatile and dangerous region like the Horn of Africa.

If the NGOs are in Africa for anything other than transitional services, they should not be allowed to operate in this continent any longer. The NGO culture must come to an end in Africa and throughout the developing world. Where NGOs have become a substitute for governments for so long, it’s almost impossible to lay the foundations of a functioning state. Moreover, places like Somalia, the Congo and Afghanistan where NGOs have operated for decades now should set an example for any change in policy from donor states. How can we expect a Somali or an Afghan minister who begs for his subsistence allowance from an NGO to take on the Shabaab or the Taliban? Quite simply, it doesn’t make sense. Real power should be removed from the NGOs and transferred to the indigenous populations.

I suggest that a pilot programme somewhere in Africa—perhaps Somalia or Congo—should be put into action sooner rather than later.

In fact, it’s time to overhaul the cartel-style aid industry in Africa and the developing world. It makes all the sense in the world to hand the cash over to the institutions it is meant to be supporting and to embed couple of auditors in these institutions. It’s cheaper, highly effective and it will be in line with the local social economy in a sustainable manner. Donor states should seriously reconsider whether to funnel their taxpayers’ money and other resources through unaccountable third parties.

 

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Paradise Lost: Must See New Film Explores The Reality Of White Women And Sex Tourism With Black Men in Kenya

By Charing Ball

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In the Paradise trilogy, Australian director Ulrich Seidl divides contemporary European womanhood into three parts: Love, Faith and Hope.

As delightful of a premise as it sounds, this series of films is no Eat, Pray, Love. In fact, most startling, and controversial of the narrative is “Paradise: Love,” a film which follows the sexual misadventures of Teresa, a 50-year-old white Austrian single mother, who explores Kenya through – and on the bodies of – young African men. Unsurprisingly, the film has hit a nerve for some as it highlights another side to the real life sex tourism industry, in which young men in mostly the Caribbean and parts of Africa earn their livings from the fetishes of older and wealthier folks, and in this case, white women. While it is unknown for sure how pervasive this side of the sex trade has become, this article in Reuters suggests that as many as one in five single women visiting Kenya from rich countries are in search of sex: “Emerging alongside this black market trade — and obvious in the bars and on the sand once the sun goes down — are thousands of elderly white women hoping for romantic, and legal, encounters with much younger Kenyan men. They go dining at fine restaurants, then dancing, and back to expensive hotel rooms overlooking the coast.”

The old adage is that money can’t buy happiness, however, in Paradise: Love, we are shown how the subversive nature of capitalism can turn entire countries and its inhabitants into mere commodities for someone else’s attempt at happiness. Teresa, along with three of her other middle aged girlfriends, arrives in Kenya and are welcomed aboard a chartered bus, which will take them from the airport to their beach resort. It is in route to the hotel that the women are taught by an enthusiastic, smiling older Kenyan guide a few key Kiswahili words, which will make their stay in the tropical “paradise” more pleasant: “Djambo,” which means “hello” and “Hakuna Matata,” which we all recall from The Lion King, loosely translates into “no worries.” A few hours after their arrival (as well as some drinks at the bar with her girlfriends and a quick wardrobe change into a swimsuit), Teresa finds herself alone on the beach, surrounded by barefoot hustlers carrying cowrie shelled necklaces, hand-woven bracelets and pocketbooks. The young men rush her, shoving their goods in her face, while vocally clamoring over each other with sell pitches peppered with the familiar salutations of “Djambo” and “Hakuna Matata.” The situation is very well-known to anyone who has traveled outside of the Western World, particularly to places which are economically marginalized. The hard sell. It is chaotic, unnerving and very bothersome. Yet at the same time, being surrounded by extreme poverty – even in places deemed as paradise – can bring a certain level of empathy and understanding. In a country like Kenya, where 45 percent of the population lives below the poverty line and is classified as low-income by the World Bank, everything is a hustle and everything is for sale.

Yet Teresa is not as empathetic or unfazed by the dire circumstances of the hustlers, and actually follows a couple of them back to their homes for paid sex and romance. The romance part is purely subjective. While the Kenyan men guide her around town, teaching her how to do the local dances, treating her to local edibles and whispering expressions of undying love in her ear, the reality is that the men she encounters don’t know how (or want) to be romantic. In one awkward scene, Teresa tries to instruct her partner for the night the proper way to caress her breasts. “You have to first see through me to my heart,” she tells him. But the Kenyan man looks on confused about what exactly she means. Teresa is annoyed but plays into it; mainly for the adventure, which is illustrated by the scene in which she takes a picture of the young man’s private parts as he sleeps. After their late night romp, Teresa falls asleep undressed under a mosquito net. Her young Kenyan lover stands around, smoking a cigarette, watching and waiting for her to rise.

The waiting game is probably the most striking element of the film. In one of the most haunting scenes in the film, Teresa and her girlfriends join a line of middle age white Europeans bathing in the sun on the beach. They lay mostly still and silent out on chaise lounges, half unclothed with their pinkish, pale skin glistening in the sun from a combination of sweat and whatever oily application they applied to get a more even tan. They are massive and look like beached whales. Their size is most marked when compared to the throng of young Kenyan men who stand at attention waiting to serve them. The men stand on the other side of a diving rope, which is guarded by an older Kenyan man in an oversized military uniform. They stand silent and undisturbed, waiting. Like servants dutiful to their masters, they wait. Or like patient hunters stalking their prey. It is really hard to tell at this point who is being exploited here: the people looking for cash or those looking to purchase fulfillment? But we do know that only when the white Europeans rise from their sun-basking do the men come alive again.

This same scenario is repeated several times in the film, including in one scene, which transports the once sun-bathing white Europeans into the resort’s lounge. Now fully dressed, they sit around small nightclub tables, smiling eerily as they listen to a Kenyan band play them some traditional local music. The band, whose members are dressed in matching Zebra stripes, in turn clash horribly with the Zebra striped stage curtains. The music is both beautiful yet performed with little emotion. It is that scene, which reminds me of a childhood birthday party I once had at Chuck E. Cheese’s. I stood around continuously feeding a bunch of quarters into a machine, which when fully compensated, would make the Animatronic robot mouse band come alive and play a birthday song for me. I remember being a kid feeling amused and then eventually disenchanted as once the time on my money ran out, the stage lights went dim, the music stopped, and the once smiling and chipper robotic mouse band slumped over into motionless inanimate objects again. In Paradise: Love, Kenya is Chuck E. Cheese’s and its inhabitants will sing, dance and cater to your every whim – just as long as your quarters don’t run out.

In the ’90s, French filmmaker Laurent Cantet released Heading South, a film about wealthy white women and their hired Haitian suitors (for those interested in watching, this film is currently streaming on Netflix). One of the most compelling characters in Cantet’s film is Albert, the head waiter at the resort. He is from a long line of Haitian patriots who fought probably against the American occupiers, for whom he called animals. In one part of the film, Albert is discussing the shame his long deceased grandfather would feel if he found out that he was serving whites. However, as he poignantly states of his dire situation, “This time the invaders aren’t armed; but they have much more damaging weapons than cannons: dollars!”

The ending of Paradise: Love is not as jaded as Albert in Heading South. I won’t spoil it for you (because I do think it is well worth the watch), but it’s clear that there are some things that money and privilege can not afford. Moreover, even through oppression, the oppressed do have their limits and will exercise their right to resist.

For those in the NYC area, the Paradise trilogy is now screening at the Elinor Bunin Munroe Film Center, 144 West 65th Street (between Broadway and Amsterdam). Tickets can be purchased at both the box office and online at

 

 

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Africa: Why Money Sent Home Is Better Than Foreign Aid

BY ADAMS BODOMO

The African diaspora is a major source of foreign income so large that it now outstrips foreign aid sent by Western donors. Nearly 140 million Africans live abroad. The money they send back home, remittances, is worth far more – in value and usefulness – than the development donations by Western financial institutions.

The exact amount of these remittances is unknown because not all of it is sent through official banking channels. But the official volume to the continent has gradually increased over the years, from $11 billion in 2000 to $60 billion in 2012, according to the World Bank. As a proportion of gross domestic product, remittances in Africa range from next-to-nothing to almost five per cent.

Worldwide remittances to developing countries were $351 billion in 2011, far exceeding the $129 billion in official development assistance, according to the World Bank.

The remittances paid by Africans living abroad also rival official aid to the continent. Total diaspora contributions to Africa in 2010 stood at $51.8 billion compared to the roughly $43 billion in ODA, according to the latest figures from the World Bank.

The payments are bound to grow even higher because new diasporas are emerging in economically fast-developing areas of the world. Currently, more than 70 per cent of the remittances that flow to Sub-Saharan Africa are from the West. But this pattern may change because of the economic downturn in many of these countries. Instead, a growing percentage of remittances will come from new African diasporas in places like Brazil, China, India and Russia.

Figures obtained from interviewing about 1,000 African diaspora members in China indicate that Africans send home anywhere from $1,600 to $16,000 per person annually. About half a million Africans live in China. If all were to send money back home, it could add up to anywhere between $800m and $8 billion a year. (This does not include the value of the merchandise bought in China and sold in Africa, which is not considered a remittance but nonetheless is a large contribution to trade from diaspora Africans.)

Africans living abroad send money back home through wire transfers that can be tracked. But they also send money unofficially through parcels in the mail or deliver it personally on visits to the family. Up to 75 per cent of remittances sent to Africa arrive through informal channels, according to African Development Bank estimates, suggesting the total amount is up to four times higher than official sums.

Not only are diaspora remittances more substantial than recorded, but they are also more beneficial than foreign aid. Africans living abroad send money home on a regular basis directly to family or friends, who can judge their needs better than the government. These monies go directly towards paying school fees, building houses and growing businesses.

Of course, sometimes families mis-spend their remittances, but this waste is nothing compared to the misappropriations and legendary inefficiencies in the foreign aid industry.

In her book “Dead Aid”, Dambisa Moyo lists myriad inefficiencies related to foreign aid and exposes the magnitude of official corruption involved in its management. In 2004 experts argued before the US Senate Committee on Foreign Relations that roughly $100 billion of World Bank funds spent on development had been lost to corruption, she reported.

Remittances are more efficient than foreign aid because they come without conditions, for the most part. They are gifts of love to family members meant to bring about the development of the family – and the nation.

Foreign aid funds, on the other hand, are not free gifts. As with most bank loans, strings are attached. Donor institutions, especially, impose conditions such as structural adjustment programmes, public sector deregulation and privatisation. Sometimes they even demand the overhaul of the country’s political system before providing funds. A case in point is British Prime Minister David Cameron’s recent threat to withhold aid from Uganda and other countries in which homosexuality is illegal.

Some recipient governments and their citizens view these demands as a neo-colonial tool to influence or control their nation’s socio-economic and political development. In many cases there is little evidence that conditions on aid have led to marked improvements in recipient countries’ economies, mostly because of corruption and inefficiency.

But remittances reaching Africa could be even greater. Exorbitant transaction costs, compounded by the nature of remittances (mostly small amounts sent frequently) gobble up a large part of the money sent to Africa. On average almost nine per cent of global remittances are lost to banking fees. Africa is the worst hit, losing about 12 per cent, according to the World Bank. So, in 2012, of the $60 billion sent by exiled Africans, about $7 billion never made it into their relatives’ accounts.

Given the clear advantages of remittances over foreign aid funds and the large amounts they represent, it is disappointing that African governments have not implemented more robust policies to attract remittances.

One way would be to involve diaspora Africans in their country’s political systems by allowing them to vote from abroad. Another idea, already implemented very successfully by Israel, India and most recently Ethiopia, are diaspora bonds, a debt security issued by a country to its own diaspora to tap into their assets.

Giving African migrants a greater say in the economic and political governance of their countries could foster greater investor confidence.

Professor Adams Bodomo is Director of the African Studies Programme, University of Hong Kong, and author of the first book on the African Diaspora in China (Africans in China, Cambria Press, 2012)

 
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Posted by on April 18, 2013 in African News

 

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Chinua Achebe: A non-romantic view

Ibrahim Bello-Kano

2013-04-03, Issue 624

 


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Achebe was certainly a great writer. But not all his works are masterpieces; and the idea that he is the ‘father of African fiction’ is romantic and naïve.

‘Indeed, we cannot help wondering if the recent insensate massacre of Chinua’s people in Kano, only a few days ago, hastened the fatal undermining of that resilient will that had sustained him so many years after his crippling accident.’ — Wole Soyinka and J. P. Clark. ‘Chinua Achebe Death: We Have Lost a Brother’. The Guardian (UK), March 22, 2013.

There is no doubt that Chinua Achebe, who died last week in the United States after a long residence there probably because it was better for him to live there than in Nigeria, was, by many accounts, an outstanding writer. His first novel, Things Fall Apart (1958), received wide critical acclaim soon after its publication, which came in the wake of the great wave of decolonization. A year before the publication of the novel, Ghana became the first independent African country, in 1957. Things Fall Apart was published at a time when non-Western but Western educated intellectuals and cultural nationalists were looking around for indigenous cultural documents that could vindicate pre-colonial African cultures, in what the British-Indian writer, Salman Rushdie once called, in memorable phrase, ‘writing back to the Centre’ (the West).

It was arguably in that context, the urgent need, by the African literati, to produce an African narrative that would vindicate indigenous African cultures which were heavily denigrated by centuries of Western writers, priests and colonial administrators, rather than the novel’s intrinsic literary merits, that brought Things Fall Apart to prominence, at least within the post-nationalistic African intelligentsia. The same may be said of Achebe’s other novels: their timing, 1960-1966, was fortunate because there was, then, a large literate international English-speaking reading public eager to get access to the new African writing, not to speak of publishers such as Heinemann which were looking to cash in on it all. Again, it was in that context that Achebe’s works were appropriated for all kinds of culture wars, especially within the ranks of militant post-colonial intellectuals.

Achebe’s collection of essays on literature, cultural politics and colonial history, from the early Morning Yet on Creation Day (1975) to the later Hopes and Impediments (1989) and Home and Exile (2000) sealed his reputation as an African or Black cultural critic, activist and nationalist. His other novels, No Longer at Ease (1960), Arrow of God (1964), Man of the People (1966), not to mention short stories and poems such as Girls at War and Other Stories (1972) and Beware, Soul Brother and Other Poems (1971) were widely admired by critics and literary historians for their ‘realistic’ and, some would say, vivid, subtle, and complex portrait of the African, or, at least, ‘the Nigerian condition’, which, to this day, has persisted in more complicated forms.

Achebe was also the influential editor of the Heinemann African Writers Series, between 1962 and 1972. Under his direction, the series published some of the most canonical of African writers such as Alex La Guma, Taha Hussein, Ngugi wa Thiong’o, Doris Lessing, Ayi Kwei Armah, Tayeb Salih, Bessie Head, Cheik Hamidou Kane, Okot p’Bitek, and nationalist intellectuals such as Amilcar Cabral, Nelson Mandela, Kenneth Kaunda, Jomo Kenyatta and Kwame Nkrumah.

Chiefly because of his first novel, and his pioneering role as the editor of the African Writers Series, many have considered Achebe as the ‘father of African fiction’ (or the founding father, even the grandfather, of modern African literature), a dubious claim that Achebe himself could not accept, since, as he knew in his lifetime, there were many African writers of fiction and non-fiction that wrote compelling accounts of African cultural and social life well before he was born. Claims for Achebe as being the ‘father of African fiction or literature’ are based on a partial and reductive view of Africa’s literary history, or a diminution of African writing to a minor position within the Western literary tradition.

Yet there had been indigenous African writing in native languages. Consider, for example, the case of the Basotho (Lesotho) writer and novelist, Thomas Mopoku Mafolo (1876-1948), the celebrated author of Chaka the Zulu (1912-15?), which many literary historians have called a masterpiece, an epic tragedy, and, in the words of a reviewer, ‘the earliest major contribution of black Africa to the corpus of modern world literature’. One could cite the example of the celebrated Yoruba writer, D. O. Fagunwa, author of Odo Ninu Igbo Irunmale (1936), or the works of the Arab writer, Naguib Mahfouz, and countless other writers who wrote in Hausa, Tamashek, Amharic, Wolof, and so on. Indeed, no one author or person could have begun what we call today ‘African writing’. The African literary tradition is far older, more enduring, and more complex than the alleged effort of a single author, however gifted. In any case, the idea of Achebe being the ‘father of African fiction’ is not a scholarly argument but a romantic and naïve one because it ignores the major contributions of pre-colonial African authors and a huge corpus of African writing in Arabic, French, Portuguese, and Spanish.

But whatever the artistic merit of Achebe’s work, which is considerable to say the least, it is in his novel, Anthills of the Savannah (1988), that his literary-story-telling skills began a terminal decline. Indeed the novel marks a notable decline in his liberal vision and creative acumen. The novel is, by any standard, a trivial thriller and is uneven in linguistic and literary quality. Arguably, large parts of Anthills read like pulp fiction, or a crudely crafted political thriller. The storyline is fragmented; the attempt at covert plotting is unsuccessful; the narrative exposition is slow and cumbrous; the style of representation is too thin and shallow; the plot is threadbare and thin, perhaps even superficial in many instances. The dialogue is unconvincing, heavy, and tedious, and the characterization is one-dimensional. For example, neither Ikem, Beatrice, Abdul on the one hand nor Professor Okon, Sam, and Osodi on the other has any emotional and psychological depth. Indeed no character in that novel has convincing uniqueness, and none is admirably individuated. Moreover, the characterization and dialogue are stagey, as can be seen in the first person account of the First Witness, Christopher Oriko (Chapter 1) and the dialogue in the opening section of Chapter 2. Anthill is also marred by obliquities of narration and an undisciplined, un-integrated multiplicity of viewpoints: the novel’s attempt at an epic-scale representation of a dystopian land and its failure to offer an intensely imagined, superbly coordinated narrative irony are telling. Yet all this may be accounted for by the novel’s melodramatic structure and the poor quality of its speech representation.

Frankly, Anthills of the Savannah is a disappointing work; little wonder it failed to win the 1987 Booker McConnell Prize, Britain’s most prestigious literary award. For example, the novel combines melodrama with a political roman á clef, as can be seen in the closing section of the narrative, the journey on the ‘Great North Road’ (Chapter 17). Indeed, this chapter presents a veiled dystopian narrativization of northern Nigeria, which is variously called ‘the scrub-land’, ‘the scorched landscape’, ‘another country’, ‘full of dusty fields [and] bottomed baobab tree[s] so strange in appearance’, etc. In this novel, the rainforest (‘the rain country’) of the South is favourably contrasted with the ‘parkland of grass and stunted trees… of mud walls and reddish earth’, the North. One conclusion, which, of course, may be problematic from a strictly literary-critical perspective, is that unlike the Exceptional Southerners, the Northerners don’t know how to make the North ‘prosperous’ (the roads are full of pot holes) so that all the talented, intelligent, hardworking, economically gifted, and industrially-savvy Southerners could migrate to the North (perhaps in the mode of mission civilatrice), which is, as of now, wallowing in economic and social desperation (see the opening pages of Chapter 17).

The novel has other defects as well: the author’s heavily moralized, didactic view of life repeatedly intrudes in the narrative, and, in particular, in the facile and tired representation of the Military Ruler, the Head of Sate. Ikem and Beatrice’s romanticism, their romantic view of social relations, is clearly the real author’s because the entire drift of the narrative is towards a heavily moralized view of life (Light versus Darkness; Enlightenment versus Ignorance; Diligence versus Parasitism).

Yet it is in Achebe’s essay, The Trouble with Nigeria (1983), that his romanticism comes full circle. In that book, Achebe argues that ‘the trouble with Nigeria is simply and squarely a failure of leadership… the unwillingness and inability of its leaders to rise to the responsibility, to the challenge of personal example’ (p. 1). This postulation of Achebe’s ignores the deep structural constraints on human action and psychology. It is pre-critical to ignore the complex ways in which social structures mediate, modify, condition, and constrain human choices. Leadership works within institutional, historical, cultural, and economic contexts which place limits on what human agents can and cannot do. This notion of the structural determination of leadership means that a leader has inevitably to work within, and exist in, a system and a political logic whose proper system, laws, and operation his or her ‘leadership’ cannot, by definition, dominate absolutely. The leader, despite his having a certain measure of freedom, has inevitably to be governed by the system within which he or she exists. And although men and women make their own history, they clearly do not make it as an act of will, or in their own freely-chosen circumstances, but under the structural constraints of the accumulated past and inherited traditions. This is what The Trouble with Nigeria has missed: Nigerian leaders cannot be the miraculous changed men or women of their country but the changed men and women of their country’s changed circumstances. This is the truth of the time-honoured liberal credo that the educator herself needs educating and that if leaders are educators, who will educate the educators?

From this perspective, Achebe’s conception of leadership may properly be called ‘voluntarism’, even a form of messianic thinking: on Achebe’s flawed logic, all a leader need do is become, by the force of sheer will power, a morally good person, who has only to lead by example rather than by veritable political principles. Achebe’s is another way of saying that Nigeria needs a strong leader, one who has miraculously escaped all the cultural and historical pressures of his community or country; in effect, a messiah. This dubiously Christian view of leadership is a convenient way of avoiding the complex problem of institutional, cultural, and historical constitution of subjectivity and moral choice in a multi-ethic, multi-religious country, one with a large, primordialist, backward-looking civil society. Indeed one reason for the failure of Achebe’s little book to capture the scholarly or popular imagination was its threadbare romanticism and an un-modern (a feudal and mystical) vision of political leadership.

Perhaps Achebe’s most disappointing book, or to phrase matters differently, his most inferior work, is There was a Country: A Personal History of Biafra (2012). As a personal testament, the book vindicates the time-honored dictum that ‘the personal is political’. Perhaps we need not be critical of Achebe’s passionate defence of his ethnic group, or of the short-lived Biafra, and his role in it. Yet there is something distasteful about open myopia of blind ethnic solidarity or communal jingoism. What is striking about the book is its complete lack of a keen political insight, its petty romantic vision of Nigeria’s political history. For example, consider the book’s astonishing claims, namely that the Igbos wholly deserved their entrenched positions in the military, economic, and bureaucratic structures of pre-civil war Nigeria (“… the Igbos led the nation in virtually every sector— politics, education, commerce, and the arts”, pp. 66-67); that all non-Igbo Nigerians are united by their hatred for the Igbo ethnic group; and that British rule in Nigeria and elsewhere was not, as popularly assumed, an unmitigated disaster. According to Achebe in There was a Country, the British government ruled the Nigerian colony “with considerable care… and competently… British colonies were more or less expertly run” (p. 43). In the same book, however, Achebe accuses British colonial officials of rigging the election and the population census in favour of conservative elements such as Sir Ahmadu Bello, the Sardauna of Sokoto from the “Islamic territories” (p. 46; Achebe does not say that the Igbo were from the “Christian territories”), people who “had played no real part in the struggle for independence” (p. 52). In addition, for Achebe it was the behaviour of the British that sowed the seeds of Nigeria’s eventual descent into civil war. If indeed Achebe has this rosy view of colonial rule, then his entire corpus of anti-colonial polemic and cultural nationalism has been in vain, or, in a way, a hypocritical effort at self-publicity.

Worse, Achebe argues, in an astonishing moment of historical revisionism, that the originators of the very idea of one-Nigeria were “leaders and intellectuals from the Eastern Region” (p. 52). This may explain why he credits Nnamdi Azikiwe with the enviable position of being “father of African independence” (‘There was no question at all about that’, (p. 41). In sum, then, there are many instances of sloppy argument and poor judgment in the book, as, for example, Achebe’s claim that Nigeria failed to develop because the Igbo, despite their ‘competitive individualism’ and a unique ‘adventurous spirit’, were excluded from Nigerian economic, social, and political life. Examples of Achebe’s unsophisticated political perception of things are, first, his lack of political sensitivity concerning non-Igbo political leaders such as Obafemi Awolowo, Ahmadu Bello, and Abubakar Tafawa Balewa. The first two are seen by Achebe as ruled by inordinate ambition (‘resuscitated ethnic pride’) and conservative traditionalism respectively. The latter Achebe almost casts into the role of a lackey of the Western world, which, he claims, turned (‘built up’) Balewa through flattery into a great statesman (p. 51).

It is thus fair to say that, in There was a Country at least, Achebe is an overwhelmingly ‘ethnic nationalist’, an ‘Igbo-phile’ (or a philo-Igbonis, to coin a new term), and a Biafra apologist to boot. He is, in this book at least, a homo duplex, the Double Man, in effect, both Biafran and Nigerian; Igbophile and Nationalist; Anti-colonial Writer and a Post-colonial Apologist of Expert British Rule. This should explain why the book has a schizoid thematic orchestration and its claims pressed within a phlegmatic stylistic mode, which, again and again, has proved incapable of sustained irony. Surely, then, There was a Country is a patchwork of Achebe’s deep, even unconscious, prejudices. In one moment after another, the book fails to offer a finely integrated presentation of a realistic historical, geographical, economic, and culturally diverse, though troubled, country.

So while I pay tribute to this important novelist and essayist, I should remark, at the same time, that we should not, in our romantic rush to venerate our little (culture) heroes, forget earlier illustrious and master English-speaking storytellers such as Amos Tutuola (1920-1997) and Cyprian Odiatu Ekwensi (1921-2007). Their books, The Palm-Wine Drinkard and his Dead Palm-Wine Tapster in the Deads’ Town (written 1946 and published in 1952) and People of the City (1954), are two outstanding pieces of literature and narrative self-assertion that blazed the trail in modern, English-speaking African fiction writing. In the same manner, while we pay tribute to Achebe and his literary legacy, let us not also forget great post-colonial African storytellers such as Ayi Kwei Armah, Sambene Ousmane, Ngugi wa Thiog’o, and, not least, the incomparable Kenyan writer, Meja Mwangi, the author, in my opinion, of the finest African novel ever—Going Down River Road (1977).

As for Achebe, I say “goodbye”; for there was indeed a great novelist, but who, tragically, had to write the greatest anti-novel of his career—There Was a Country: A Personal History of Biafra.

* Professor Ibrahim Bello-Kano is of the Department of English and French, Bayero University, Kano.

 

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